Fluir nº 1 - setembro 2018 | Page 21

Fluir nº1 - Renascimentos - 2018 Figure 6 - Lodovico Manin, the last Doge of Venice. Portrait by6 - Bernardino Castelli (Museo Correr - Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=12041366) conceivable that globalization, European unification and the modern economy have rendered the old nation- states less necessary, except to their leaders. As illustrated by the selection process for the Doge in the above table, the Venetians went to extraordinary lengths to prevent government capture by families and the other special interests of their age. Their success, the alternative experience of their European peers and the challenges of modern politics all strongly suggest they may have been on to something. Classical Athens, that rare completed experiment in democracy, succumbed to factions with famously unfortunate results. No system can fully eliminate corruption but modern Western democracies sometimes appear to have been refined for maximal corruption and conflicts of interest. The Venetian mandatory requirement for a personal face-to-face participation in government activities is an intriguing approach to reduce alienation from the political process. It could potentially provide ordinary citizens an opportunity to actively prevent corruption rather than unwittingly abetting it by voting for established parties once every four years. Because it is mandatory there is a small price in individual freedom but such an engagement could be a vital tool in a world where many people have too much spare time or are deprived of the socialization provided by work. Any modern implementation of the principles of the Venetian Republic would be very different from the mechanics of the original. For example, to give an entire population a reasonable probability of meaningful political participation there would have to be many more committees. But modern governments are also far more complex, having taken on board health, education, transport etc. Most such committees would be local or regional but the resulting decentralization could diffuse separatism and promote ownership. Modern IT and communications could facilitate many of the processes – thought face to face activities in small groups should be retained. The End In 1797 Napoleon gave Venice the option to avoid destruction and a bloody death by committing suicide. The Great Council, or the half of its members that had not fled, met for the last time and approved the sensible option by 512 to 20 votes (5 abstentions). A few tears were shed in that room for the end of a singular thirteen-hundred-year enterprise. Venice has attracted almost every European romantic genius, artist or thinker from the eighteenth century onwards. All wrote their thoughts. Venice's political system initially got mixed reviews. French philosophers, relying on histories of poor scholarship, described it as a sinister aristocratic dictatorship. But these philosophers were advocating radically new scientifically-based republics; they would have been less than human if they had dwelt on the achievements of a republic that had been in existence since the end of the Roman Empire. Recent historians, using the vast documentary evidence available in a bureaucratic state that was never sacked or destroyed by natural disaster, have been much more impressed, notably S. Finer's scholarly The History of Government from the Earliest Times. The Venetian Republic was infinitely more than its political system but everything else was enabled by it. No one disputes the merit of Venice's art and architecture. The time has come to explore one final legacy; its revolutionary political system. 21