Fluir nº 1 - setembro 2018 | Page 20

Fluir nº1 - Renascimentos - 2018 Figure 5 - The Great Council chamber in the Ducal Palace Some of the above features are compatible with the cherished goals of Western democracies such as equal opportunities, rule of law and popular sovereignty. Others are not; the use of electoral colleges drawn by lot is incompatible with the ideal of one person, one vote. There could be ways around such difficulties; a mixed regime that retained universal suffrage for some posts could be envisaged. But it is legitimate to ask why the application of principles of the now-dead Venetian Republic to the modern era should even be considered. In the words of Churchill, is not the current democratic system “the worst form of government, except for all the others”, meaning the best possible form? In practice, the dictum has so far proven to be true, but two hundred years is very young on the timescale of the Venetian Republic. Several risks for Representative Democracy can already be discerned, for example; 20 ·Increasing power of special interests – There is a vicious circle whereby sectoral interests increase their income by buying favorable legislation from both current and potential governing parties, thereby enabling them to afford to buy more influence. Sectoral interests are plural and exists in many areas such as political parties, professional bodies, business, agriculture, healthcare, local, etc. Some have rich beneficiaries while others have middle class members, but all have in common the increasing exploitation of outsiders, including those in their areas. ·Difficulty in adapting to changing circumstances – A direct effect of the cross-party dominance of special interests is paralysis of government regardless of which party is in power. Over decades a vast body of legislation has been accreted, designed to deliver the loopholes and favors to the various clients. Special interests ensure unfavorable laws are hard to enact. The space for decisions that do not clash with the existing legislation is reduced since their annulment or modification would also hurt those interests. ·Rise of automation –A rise in permanent unemployment due to technology is one such risk of changed circumstances. So far technological innovations have created more new jobs than were lost. But there is no demonstrable law that this must always be the case; self-driving vehicles, automated manufacturing and sophisticated “white collar” software could create a perfect storm, eliminating a catastrophic number of jobs. Western countries may be able to provide a minimum standard of living but a serious psychological challenge could arise; can the permanently non-working population lead meaningful lives and will the working elite be prepared to foot the bill without some reward such as exclusive access to power? ·Alienation from the political process – There is a growing suspicion among Western electorates that governments are increasingly aloof. This is correctly attributed to capture by special interests, but the wealthy “elites” fingered are the conspicuous tip of the iceberg. The remaining special interests are often successful in channeling voter dissatisfaction to further enhance their position. The result is frustration and either the total dis-engagement, manifested by high voter abstentions, pervasive tax avoidance and more emigration, or increased voting for extremist parties that are only capable of destruction. ·Local independence movements and the breakup of traditional nation states –Some Western Europeans can also “check out” through separatism. Whilst the material benefits claimed may be exaggerated, it is