CONTEMPORARY EURASIA VOLUME VIII (1) ContemporaryEurasia81 | Page 28

DIMINISHING INSTITUTIONAL AUTONOMY OF TURKISH ARMED FORCES …
formal institutions, traditions, norms and military culture still play an
important role. According to Turkish researcher Z. Sarigil, "legislative,
institutional reforms are necessary, but insufficient factors ... and it is
necessary to pay more attention to the institutional culture of the Turkish
army, which also defines the collective identity of the military." 25 In this
context, deprived of its leverage and powers in political life, the army cannot
remain indifferent to the processes taking place in Turkey's social and
political life. As a result of favorable or persistent impositions of ideological
authoritarian regimes, the ideology of the ruling regime penetrates into the
army. Such regimes typically seek not only to subdue the army, but also to
maximize their own control over it in order to bring it into their own
ideological field. In such a situation, the control of the army, even though it
may legally belong to the parliament, is actually passed into the hands of the
ruling regime. Gradually, the “conquest” of the army and the political regime
occurs when the army is not only in the ideological field, but is also the
beneficiary and defender of that system. In case of such consolidation, when
the mechanisms of democratic control do not work, the army becomes an
instrument for the authorities both in internal and foreign policy. Typically,
such systems become more unpredictable and aggressive, as the army is
entirely under the control and influence of the government, and the internal
mechanisms of detention are absent or not functioning. As some analysts
mention, the generals who survived the massive purges following the
abortive coup were so terrified of President Erdogan’s vengeful wrath that
they moved troops into Syria 26 — a prospect they once resisted — without a
whimper. 27
The legislative weakening of the role of the army caused changes in
the self-consciousness of an officer relating to their former role. The
consciousness of an ordinary officer, regarding the army as a dominant
institution of political life, was changed. No matter how strong the traditions
are, the self-consciousness of the officer is formed within the framework of
those realities. On the other hand, in the army, a group of officers with new
guidelines appears, which is a consequence of the prolonged governance and
socio-cultural policy of the ruling Islamist power. Of course, it should be
stated that the formation of such a class requires a certain period of time. The
transformation of the social and cultural life of the country does not overlook
the army as a social organism over time. In other words, the dominating
system of values inside society penetrates state institutions, including the
25
Zeki Sarıgil, “Civil-Military Relations Beyond Dichotomy: With Special Reference to
Turkey”, Turkish Studies, Vol. 12, no. 2 (June 2011): 273.
26
A month after the coup attempt, the Turkish army launched a cross-border operation
(named Euphrates shield) with aligned Syrian opposition groups in Syria which led to
the Turkish occupation and control of northern Syrian territories.
27
Leela Jacinto, “Turkey’s Post-Coup Purge and Erdogan’s Private Army”, Foreign Policy,
July 13, 2017, https://foreignpolicy.com/2017/07/13/turkeys-post-coup-purge-and-erdogans-
private-army-sadat-perincek-gulen/ (accessed August 10, 2017).
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