Vanderbilt Political Review Winter 2014 | Page 20

GUEST of opportunity, skill deficits, wage-institutions, and post-incarceration consequences, we see that the relationship between incarceration and inequality is isochronous and not dependent in any one direction. For example, low skilled workers are more likely to be incarcerated, while ex-inmates are less likely to have high educational attainment and stable employment, according to Western et. al. Consequently, Sampson and Laub, and Warr argue, those swept up in the mass incarceration epidemic are caught in the vicious cycle of recidivism as a result of the habitual character of inequality. In addition to employment and wage inequality, this pervasive cycle is also measured by examining incarceration’s disruptive impact on the family’s function within the adult life course. I Imprisonment & the Family ncarceration has been shown to negatively impact family stability in a number of key ways. For example, Defina and Hannon use state-level data to show how imprisonment increases poverty by removing primary earners from the family unit, making the poor poorer. 20 VANDERBILT POLITICAL REVIEW Families led by single-mothers are five times more likely to be poor when compared to married and/or cohabitating parent families because these households have more potential income. Because the proportion of births to single mothers is increasing, especially amongst black women, children are more likely to live in households with only one potential earner, argue Cancian and Reed. This trend more so represents already disadvantaged women who are less likely than advantaged women to raise their children in the context of marriage. In 2009, McLanahan and Percheski found that sixty-seven percent of black families were female-headed households. Mass incarceration contributed to the increase in single-motherhood by removing potential earners and narrowing marriage prospects, two important components of achieving family stability in the adult life course according to Western and McLanahan. Additionally, most families claim to lose assistance with childcare, while simultaneously trying to protect their children from joining the cycle of neighborhood violence. As extended family and kin try to compensate for the collapse in social networks, Bra- man and Richie found women caregivers are usually forced to pick up the remaining burden caused by incarceration. Rutter and Wilbur et al. argue that children who grow up in poor socioeconomic conditions suffer the greatest consequences when losing a parent to incarceration. They are more likely to have behavioral and emotional problems and are less likely to have high educational attainment. It is also very likely that there are instances where children do benefit from losing violent, abusive parents to prison; however, one must wonder if this is the case the majority of the time? In response, Hagan and Dinovitzer suggest that the imprisonment of parents may in fact be a more traumatizing event in a child’s life course than the circumstances that existed before the parent’s incarceration. In addition to living in single-parent households, the children of incarcerated parents have less social capital because their family resources are limited, making them more likely to enter prison sometime in their adult lives. Ultimately, children are burdened by the strain of economic deprivation, the loss of parental socialization, and the social stigma of having an incarcerated parent. Recidivism, Stigma, & Policy A s shown above, the effects of incarceration hinder socioeconomic opportunities and heavily impact the family unit by decreasing social capital. Even upon release, ex-cons are unable to pursue normal life endeavors because of prison’s negative influence on societal legitimacy. This opportunity paradox is further compounded when analyzing the relationship between recidivism, stigma, and policy, revealing the vicious cycle of criminality amongst low-income Americans. Criminologists show that cyclical crime, or recidivism is associated with failure to achieve the main components of adult stability such as reliable employment and marriage because these