Vanderbilt Political Review Winter 2014 | Page 12

DOMESTIC VANDERBILT POLITICAL REVIEW A break in the cycle The struggle between purists and pragmatists in the Republican Party R epublican candidate Mitt Romney’s 2012 defeat reignited concerns that Republicans cannot win elections by acting like moderate Democrats, and that they need a true conservative candidate to attract more voters to the polls. The opposing faction within the GOP believes that the party attracts a high percentage of white voters, and that the party does not reflect the growing diversity of the population. This struggle between the purists and the pragmatists within the conservative polity, along with the rising power of the Tea Party, epitomizes the dilemma facing the Republican Party today. In the search for a compelling national mandate to win the 2016 presidential election, the Republican Party must adopt a more balanced political strategy to garner the sup- by POULUMI BANERJEE ‘17 port of different voting blocs without compromising traditional conservative ideals. In recent months, several traditionally conservative columnists – led by Rich Lowry of The National Review and William Kristol of The Weekly Standard – have emphasized the importance of pure conservative ideology to win future elections. National exit poll surveys consistently show that forty percent of the electorate votes for the party whose values they share, and twenty percent of voters support the party platform that prioritizes their key issues. Ideological purists theorize that Mitt Romney lost the popular vote by five million because he was unable to energize the core GOP base. They speculate it would be possible to increase turnout by five to six-and-a-half million addi- Photos: Gage Skidmore 12 tional GOP voters with the selection of a Republican candidate who maintains pure conservative values. Instead of issue-based minority outreach (for example, courting Hispanic voters by promoting immigration reform), the party should focus on white voters, which Romney won fiftynine percent to forty-one percent. Within the white vote, Republicans held a decisive margin on senior, married, and non-college educated whites. By promoting purist conservative ideals that appeal to these demographics, it would be possible to swing the white vote advantage from fifty-nine percent in 2012 to seventy percent in 2016. However, considering the changing demographics of America, it is difficult to conclude that the purists’ “Great White Hope” would be successful outside of House elections where districts have been gerrymandered to include finely-grained white voting blocs. The white vote has fallen from a high of eighty-eight percent in 1992 to a low of seventy-two percent in 2012. This trend is expected to continue, and the minority vote is likely to grow to thirty percent by 2016. If Democrats continue to win eighty percent of the minority vote in every election, they would need to win only thirty-eight percent of white votes in 2016 to achieve a popular vote majority. There has been a seismological shift in voter demographics in the past twenty years that cannot be ignored. Moreover, with an increase in college education and growing secularization in society, Republicans cannot assume the inherent support of the white vote to remain. As such, a pure conservative ideology and higher white voter turnout may not guarantee a Republican in the White House. Does this mean Republicans need to sacrifice principle for power and not field a true conservative in the next general elec-