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state behaviour by using a principal-agent approach, a prominent model of RCI. 9 He does this in three ways. First, he looks at the advantages of delegation during EU negotiations with third countries, which then allows him to engage with concepts of shirking (when agencies deviate from the principal’s goal) and slippage (when the very structure of delegation provides incentives for the agent to behave in ways inimical to the preferences of the principal)— essential aspects of the principal-agent approach—to analyse why member states rely on the Commission for certain policies. 10 Third, he outlines agency as a ‘contractual relationship’ between member states and the EU: member states pursued bilateral agreements because of a lack of trust in EU initiatives. 11 These articles converge on control policy. Specifically, both acknowledge control to be of high political importance and, agree that policy developments in this area are driven by the ‘preferences’ of member states. 12 13 Furthermore, they also agree that member states have got around the constraints of the Commission and the European Court of Justice (ECJ). However, they do differ on their explanations of how these preferences are formed; why member states resist EU institutions, and; more generally, how immigration policy has developed. This is, largely, because each article attends to various parts of the immigration policy-making process. More specifically, this is a result of the different levels of influence they assign to national governments in the case of LIG, and to supranational institutions in the case of RCI. 9 Hussein Kassim and Anand Menon, “The principal-agent approach and the study of the European Union: promise unfulfilled?” Journal of European Public Policy 10, 1 (2003): 121-139. 10 Menz, “The promise of principal-agent approach,” 315-318. 11 Menz, “The promise of principal-agent approach,” 319. 12 Givens and Luedtke, “The Politics of the European Union,” 153. 13 Menz, “The promise of principal-agent approach,” 313. 16