The Journal Of Political Studies Volume I, No. 2, Jan. 2014 | Page 27

influence, economic power. Even more so today, after the 2004 (Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia), 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania), and 2013 (Croatia) enlargements, less-developed former Soviet and former Yugoslav states are seeing that it may be within reach to have successful partnerships or even full accession to the EU. The southeastern European region can be described using regional security complex theory5; there is significant system-level interplay of global institutions and leading powers around the southeastern European situation, but there also exists a subsystem interplay of the states within the region themselves, and their immediate security concerns driven by ethnic tensions.

VVGiven the EU’s vocal and active support for human rights6, and the requirements for accession7, it seems that a self-perpetuating cycle could unfold, consisting of (1) promoting human – including ethnic – rights, leading to (2) decreasing ethnic tension, leading to (3) further entrenchment of human rights and so forth, as these post-conflict states aim to integrate with the EU in some form. These states aim to integrate with the EU due to its economic incentives of being the largest trading bloc and providing free movement of labour, but also due to its political and social incentives of stability, promotion of human rights, and uniformity in laws in all member states. Post-conflict arrangements are often mediated by external organizations, for example the United Nations with regards to Kosovo, and the European Union with regards to Macedonia8.

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5. Buzan and Waever 2003

6. Charter Of Fundamental Rights Of The European Union 2000

7. European Council in Copenhagen 1993