The Geographer Spring 2014 | Page 21

The Geographer 18-19 Spring 2014 The Union Professor Christopher A Whatley, Professor of Scottish History, University of Dundee Nations and states rise and fall. Sometimes they vanish. Union states too split asunder, the most spectacular recent example being the Soviet Union, seemingly impregnable during the Cold War, but after 1991, gone. In September this year, the electorate in Scotland will decide the future of the historic union that has held Scotland and England together for over three centuries. their Scottish subjects. Hostility towards England mounted. Nevertheless there was also sporadic interest from Scotland in a union of trade. Scotland wanted to secure legal commerce along with the protection by England’s royal navy of Scottish merchant vessels on the pirate-infested high seas. Closer to home the English market was vital, but at risk if relations between Scotland and England deteriorated. Opinion polls suggest that not much more than a third of the electorate will vote for Scottish independence, but that the Scots strongly approve of devolution and want greater powers for Holyrood. During the union era, it is when the Scottish dimension has been ignored by Westminster that demands for reform of or challenges to the British union state have arisen. Only since the 1960s has there been serious enthusiasm for independence, ignited by the SNP which prior to the Second World War attracted a mere 1.1% of the vote (in the 1935 general election). English politicians, however, were inclined to ignore Scotland. Monarchs were different. James VI and I had advocated closer union, but found few supporters at his London court. It was a century later, during the reign of Queen Anne, that the present parliamentary union was forged, in the winter of 1706-7. Anne’s anxiety over her successor, allied to worries about a possible alliance between Scotland and France, led to the conclusion south of the border that a parliamentary union was the surest way of securing the Protestant succession – and England’s northern border from a French invasion from Scotland. It can come as a surprise that it was a Scot, John Mair, who first proposed a union with England, in the 1520s. For too long Scotland and England had been at loggerheads, periodically resorting to war. Others agreed. It made sense for the countries which shared the same island to unite. After the Reformation, the dominant religion of both was Protestantism, while English was the main language. By the later 17th century, there was a common enemy, France, under Louis XIV who aspired to universal monarchy. He was also a Catholic, and in Protestant Britain there was a visceral hatred of the Church of Rome. By this time England and Scotland were already joined in a dynastic union, which had come about in 1603 when Scotland’s King James VI became James I of England. The regal union, however, did little to reduce Anglo-Scottish tensions. Monarchs of the joint kingdom favoured England over The Scots, then as now, were deeply divided on the union issue. Some were simply confused. Strong support came from those Scots who had been behind the Revolution, which had restored Presbyterianism and established constitutional monarchy. Under the Stuarts, many Scots (known as Whigs) had been fined or imprisoned. Some were tortured or executed or forced into exile. ‘Presbyterian memory’ convinced many that, to secure the gains of the Revolution, union with England was necessary – to resist the Jacobites