The Geographer Spring 2014 | Page 10

Independence: Scotland in Europe The relationship with the EU David Crawley “Arguably Scotland has understood the value of its links with Europe better than other parts of the UK.” David Crawley was head of the post-devolution Scotland Office (2002-05), and was the Brusselsbased European Director for the Scottish Executive during the last UK Presidency of the EU (2005-06). He has significant background in the planning and implementation of Scottish devolution since 1997. His main expertise is to do with public policy and organisations at Scotland, UK and EU levels. The current debate about how and when an independent Scotland might join the European Union as a full member – vital though that is – risks obscuring the extent and nature of Scotland’s current links with the rest of Europe, and the long-term importance of our European relationships whatever the outcome of the referendum. Scotland has long had a strong relationship with Europe as part of the UK. We have played an active part in many sectors – notably farming and fisheries, but in many others which touch closely on Scottish interests, including environment, justice and home affairs, regional development, and the single market. Before devolution, Scottish Ministers and officials were routinely involved in EU Council meetings as part of the UK team negotiating on key issues like the Common Fisheries Policy, the regular Common Agricultural Policy discussions, the environment, food and animal health. After devolution, a set of formal agreements known as concordats between the UK and Scottish Governments have provided for continuing Scottish involvement, and Scotland has pursued its interests through its representation in Brussels, which has operated alongside the UK representation and which, unusually among EU regional representations, was allowed the huge advantage of full diplomatic status. We have developed links with many European regions and member states, and now have a strong reputation in Brussels built around Scottish culture and our core priorities of farming, fisheries, food and the environment. We have also been able to access substantial EU resources for regional and rural development. Also important, our links with nonmembers of the EU have depended on common interests – notably in the case of Norway, with whom we share common concerns in oil and fisheries, and a long cultural history. European membership is no free ride. Scotland would have to move to a much more grown-up version of its European role. It would be one of the more prosperous member states of the expanded EU and would have to bear its share of responsibilities and costs. It would have to work hard at alliances and would need to recognize that small states tend to do best if they support European ideals and objectives. If Scotland votes for independence, the economic, social and cultural case for Scotland remaining within the EU as a full member looks unarguable. Access to the single European market, which is a major destination for Scotland’s exports and a major source of goods and services, would be central to future Scottish economic policy. Our place within Europe is a key factor in inward investment; we would remain a substantial beneficiary of European funding; and the flow of people and skills in both directions would create huge opportunities. I believe Scotland also understands the wider political case for the EU, and its record in cementing peace across the whole of Europe and in developing a European culture alongside existing national and regional cultures. For Scotland, there are no credible alternatives – the option of joining countries like Norway in the European Economic Area has few attractions, given that it involves most of the costs and responsibilities of EU membership without involvement in the decisions. The road by which an independent Scotland would become a member of the EU faces awkward obstacles. It would require complex negotiation with all member states within the framework of the European Treaties: the EU is based on agreements between states, not peoples. It still seems likely that most other member states would welcome Scotland, but there are no guarantees and it is already clear that there would b