MENTAL HEALTH AND CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION 19
of PTSD among the population, especially for children and adolescents exposed to
high levels of traumatic experiences (Dimitry 2011). Even so, Northern Ireland
presents the world’s highest recorded rates of PTSD, more than war-hit regions, such
as Israel and Lebanon. This evidence highlights that the peculiarities of the legacies
of conflict in Northern Ireland influence the condition for the perpetuation of mental
disorders, affecting the area more than other post-conflict societies.
Predictors of poor mental health, such as stressful family events and lack of social
support, can vary in a peaceful society (Miller et al 2003). In a conflict society, these
factors increase. For instance, through forced migration and the shock of death and
injury, everyday stress and uncertainty are magnified. The impact of ongoing
conflicts on economic activity consists in part of high levels of military expenditure,
increased unemployment and poverty, and economic marginalization of the health
services - trends that can continue long after the cessation of hostilities (Tomlinson
2007). The economic impact of PTSD has been explored by the Lupina Foundation,
working alongside the Northern Ireland Centre for Trauma and Transformation
(NICTT) and the University of Ulster. However, this study has major methodological
flaws: it did not consider people under eighteen, adults in hospital or other institutions
or give an estimation of the costs of the physical health conditions associated with
PTSD, such as cardiovascular disease and diabetes. Nor did the report include the
cost associated with short-term sickness absence among those with PTSD. Even so, in
2008 the total estimated costs of resources spent on individuals with PTSD were
estimated to be 172.8 million pounds (Ferry et al 2010: 4).
As Tomlinson (2007: 35) argues, the economy of poor mental health in Northern
Ireland acts as “a barrier to post-conflict reconstruction” because “the whole society
has been trau matized by violence”. Even if the economic costs of poor mental health
can create obstacles to post-conflict reconstruction, Tomlinson does not consider its
importance in relation to conflict transformation, which is the idea of transforming
conflict in order to change, mitigate, and end protracted social conflict (Botes 2003).
This approach includes a wide variety of concepts and theories that are separated
from those of conflict resolution and conflict management (Miall 2004: 1-2).