Can the European Union Resolve the Life-Cycle of the Conflict in Kosovo?
different identity groups in protracted social conflict situations, pointing
out that the sense of identity of the group it is more powerful than the
nation State (Azar 1986: 31). Kosovo’s conflict in its roots is about two
very different groups (Serbs and Albanians) which have very different
languages, cultures, background and so on.
The differences consist of the ongoing animosity between the parties of
conflict due to ethnic differences and a century of prolonged conflict, as
briefly described above. Following Kosovo’s independence, ethnic Serbs
have become the minority. Their situation contrasts drastically with a
time when they formed part of the majority population of SFRY. This
new reality, among other reasons, has caused Kosovo’s Serb minority
to reject Kosovo’s independence. Demographic and political power has
shifted as the 8% of the population which was Serbian in Kosovo prior
to 1999 ruled over the 90% of the population which was Albanian for
almost a century (Ernst 2011: 26).
The Major (Great) Powers’ Role in Kosovo’s Conflict in 1910s and
1990s to Date
In December 1912, the Great Powers decided to give Kosovo to Serbia.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire insisted that the Albanian inhabited areas
be integrated in a new Albanian State. However, this was rejected by
Serbia’s allies, France and fellow Slavic Russia, which had supported
Serbia through the centuries (Malcolm 1998: 256). Ultimately, the Great
Powers decided that Kosovo Albanians should be within the territory of
Serbia and Montenegro. Advocacy by France and Russia assisted Serbia
to become one of the victors of the First Balkans War (1912-13). New
borders were drawn thereby weakening Austro-Hungary’s influence as it
declined in stature and power. A paucity of basic education and cultural
rights for Albanians was one of the key causes of the long-running conflict between Serbs and Albanians. Azar points out that c