Military Review English Edition May-June 2016 | Page 49

MILITARY OCCUPATION and the Department of War set up civil affairs courses for potential occupiers—at Columbia University and the University of Virginia, respectively. As time went on, other schools were added.9 Similarly, the United States also began to plan and prepare for the occupations of Axis countries after the war. Initially, the plans for occupation were (Photo by Staff Sgt. Russell Bassett, 115th Mobile Public Affairs Detachment) crafted by individuOregon National Guard and Japan Ground Self Defense Force troops salute the U.S. and Japanese flags al organizations: the during the Orient Shield 2007 opening ceremony 9 October 2006 at the Sekiyama Maneuver Area Army, the Navy, and in Honshu, Japan. Japan has emerged as one of the United States most important allies. However, this occurred as a matter of defense policy expediency and not by U.S. design. the State Department. These first plans were not coordinated and thus often were at cross purWorld War II, were put in place. In sum, there was no poses. But, in the final months before the defeats of similar serious effort to consider and prepare for the Germany and Japan, an interagency body—the State, occupation of Iraq before the invasion of Iraq. War, Navy Coordinating Committee (SWNCC)—was This was true despite the fact that, unlike during created, which worked surprisingly well. It was also in World War II, an organization to coordinate interthe last months before defeating Germany and Japan agency policy, the National Security Council, did exist that President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who had wanted prior to the invasion of Iraq. But, in the end, it was civilian occupation authorities, was persuaded that not used as effectively as SWNCC had been to cooronly the U.S. military had the large-scale capacity to dinate occupation policies across the government. take on the myriad tasks of occupation. Consequently, Finally, just as Roosevelt and others wanted he directed the Department of War to take charge, civilians in charge of occupied territories, the Bush which it did by establishing military commanders and administration felt the same way about occupying command structure over the interim governments. Iraq. The difference was that Roosevelt was finally In contrast, though the United States had been persuaded that only the military had the physical planning for the combat operations for a potential incapacity together with the necessary command and vasion of Iraq for an even longer period than had been control structure to take on the myriad tasks indone for war with Japan—during the ten-year period volved in occupations.11 In contrast, this realization after the first Gulf War—the pleas by various milidid not sink in for the Bush administration. Though tary leaders during that time to also stress planning the Department of Defense was placed in charge, it for the post-invasion did not gain traction. Within responded by organizing the CPA (and ORHA before U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), for instance, it), without a clear chain of command in place and promising beginnings on such planning were not with no specifically delineated responsibilities nor followed through.10 As a result, few initiatives, such as authority to enforce accountability. As a result, the developing a pool of regional experts through formal occupation remained a hodgepodge of loosely affiliatschooling to serve as leaders in a potential occupation, ed organizations with no command and little control as was done in preparation for dealing with the end of throughout its short existence. MILITARY REVIEW  May-June 2016 47