with the prior radicalism during three presidencies, the middle classes fell down. This stage was marked by the abstention of the radicalism and the emergence of Nazi and fascist groups. Political participation was restricted and the political action by supporters of the deposed regime was outlawed. To replace them, the aristocracy established a corporatist regime without relying on the popular masses, but only on the Army( Rapoport and Seoane, 2007: 468, 491). The outbreak of World War II centered the fighting on the external front. The pressure to end the neutrality drew considerable attention within the domestic agenda. The divisions stressed the political landscape despite the favorable economic situation, which brought prosperity and transformed the industry into an important sector. However, the key was not who would win the war, but what would happen in the aftermath. Economic chaos and social explosion were foreseen( Rouquié, 1981: 327, 330-331; Romero, 2012: 101, 106- 108; Rapoport, 2010: 127). In early 1943, the specter of the popular agitation was traveling across the country. The proliferation of popular fronts( as in Europe) caused alarm among the ranks of the Army. To address the risk, some young high-ranking officers informally created a lodge as outpost in the fight against communism. It would be known later by its Spanish acronym GOU, which interchangeably stands for United Officers Group, Unification Work Group and Government! Order! Unity!( Rouquié: 1981, 335). Many of these officers had participated in the overthrow of Yrigoyen, including the young Colonel Juan Domingo Perón. For the first time, the Army independently and institutionally acted in the coup d ' etat of June 14, 1943. The putsch was presented as a revolution; henceforth, it occupied the main political scene. The pro-coup military moved forward without bloodshed and promised— in an early manifesto— to bring an end to fraud and corruption( Rouquié, 1998: 9; Romero, 2012: 109; Torre, 2002: 17). They intended to break relations with the Axis and to raise the flags of Anti-Communism and Catholicism. The Revolution of 1943 enabled Perón, coordinator of GOU, to temporarily hold his first public office: Minister of War. It would be the springboard for his rise to power. Along with the repression common to all military regimes, there was also certain approach to the masses. On November 27, 1943, the National Department of Labor became Secretary of Labor and Social Security headed by Perón, who began to forge a special relationship with the labor movement that would change the Argentine history forever( Rouquié, 1998: 25, 32; Romero, 2012: 114; Tower, 2002: 25, 27). The relations with the Axis were finally broken. Perón was appointed firstly as Minister of War and then as Vice President, while retaining his two previous offices. Thus, he reached the summit of power and was the soul of the government( Romero, 2012: 113; Tower, 2002: 24). The post-war in Europe encouraged the transition to democratic regimes and Peron glimpsed the electoral process as political chance. Since 1944 he had channeled his social policy through multiple measures favoring the workers, like the Statute of the Day Laborer, in order to develop a political doctrine, later known as Justicialism, against the resistance of the most powerful economic sectors( Rapoport, 2010: 134- 135). As pressure to a democratic transition increased, the government was branded as Nazi-fascist. The opponents found support in the US Ambassador Spruille Braden, and they showed their discontent in a successful mobilization of 200-250 thousand people on September 19, 1945( Rapoport, 2010: 137; Tower, 2002: 30). The government ' s response raised the tensions and Perón resigned on October 9. The next day he delivered a speech encouraging his humble followers. On October 13, he was arrested and deported to the island Martin Garcia, as Yrigoyen fifteen years ago. By then, Perón was already a martyr. On October 17, union leaders and others activist called for a general strike and marched on the City of Buenos Aires. The workers were determined to defend their conquests under the social policies implemented by the military government and demanded the release of their leader( Rapoport and Seoane, 2007: 515, 665). The Peronist faction estimated that 500,000 people
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