extravagant theories like the sociobiology and its multipurpose " selfish gene "( Sahlins, 2011). The issue has become more complex since the powers that be rarely went beyond the superficial reading of the Darwinian evolutionism— through the biased way of Spencer— along with phrenology and other pseudoscientific disciplines that were instrumental for the white supremacy( Perazzi 2005). Thusly, the establishment did not hesitate to embrace the natural division of humanity into races after centuries of beneficial slavery and persistence of the biblical dictum. The resilient conception that Africans( like the indigenous people) were disruptive to the desired order and unsurmountable obstacle to the human progress led by the white race, urged to eliminate or at least to minoritize them( Valko 2010). Afro-Argentines enrolled in this double problem: they descended from slaves who stagnated by their racialization in the only alleged evolutionary path of humanity and they also began to be a problem as the making of the nation was driven by a yearning for European models. They were not invited to join the process as the millions of European immigrants that the so-called Generation of the 1880 ´ s gobbled up. Africans remained as a relic of the latecolonial period, from which the patricians in power strategically excluded themselves. The violence by the State through, for example, the construction of a denying historical narrative and identity did not stop with the abolition of slavery. There are three hypotheses. State violence was not a deus ex machina of the dictatorship, because it can be traced back at least three years before and so the study covers the decade from 1973 to 1983. The condition of African descendants of the victims generated a particular cruelty by the repressors; some aspects of its social and political implications can be interpreted from an Afrocentric perspective. And reading between the lines and between times, it is possible to link the documented cases to the violence suffered by their ancestors during the African genocide dated back to the sixteenth century. Unlike most contemporary victims, the suffering did not constituted a novelty for the victims of African descendant.
Argentina between 1973 and 1983 The dictator Agustín Lanusse ruled from 1971 until 1973. He was succeeded by leaders of the Justicialist Liberation Front( Spanish acronym: FREJULI): Hector Campora, Raul Alberto Lastiri and Juan Domingo Peron. The latter attempted to launch an interventionist economic program to improve the income of the population, but died on July 1, 1974. His wife and vice president, Maria Estela Martinez de Peron, assumed the presidency in a turbulent period that, due to the implementation of an orthodox economic plan, led to the socalled Rodrigazo: a group of policies put into practice by the Minister of Economy Celestino Rodrigo. They triggered dramatic devaluation of the currency and increase in the utility and transportation prices. The social protest broke out in general strikes. The growing escalation by guerrilla groups such as the Montoneros and the repression— not always legal— against them led to the civil-military putsch on March 24, 1976. The so-dubbed National Reorganization Process lasted until 1983 with four successive military juntas integrated by the heads of the three branches of armed forces, who nominated the Lieutenant General as de facto President. The first one was Jorge Rafael Videla and the repression increased. For the 1978 Soccer World Cup, the government used a mask welfare that hardly could hide the tense reality. In March 1981, Videla was replaced by Roberto Eduardo Viola; in December, Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri took office. He was perhaps the most irresponsible: drunk with power, he declared war against the United Kingdom in April 1982. His goal was to recover the Falkland Islands, but the war was brief and disastrous. On June 14, Argentina signed the unconditional surrender. It precipitated the fall of the dictatorship. On July 1, 1982, Reynaldo Bignone succeeded Galtieri in the midst of a crisis with a bankrupt industry, inflation, the universities intervened and the careers closed, plus a scandalous and undisguised number of detainees missing. The people clamored for the restoration of democracy and the coup perpetrators acquiesced to the political debate. The parties reassembled and by October 30,
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