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explained the reasons manipulated for the devaluation of citizens’ mechanisms for political control, and the sources those in revolutionary power employed to block their participation: “The desire for the Revolution’s institutionalization emerged among its leaders during the very earliest days. One should recall that Fidel Castro spoke about elections from the Presidential Palace’s balconies very shortly after the revolutionary reconstruction process began. To the surprise of all those committed to that Revolution, a unanimous cry of “No! No! No!” erupted from the impressive crowd. It was obvious that the people were more interested in the revolution it had before them, than the old appearance of there being democratic-representative institutionalism, a lie through which they had live, endured for more than half a century”1. Taking a public outcry in a massive, outdoor act as a legitimate desire is somewhat questionable, but taking that outcry as a reference for occasionally disavowing belonging to a democratic system, legitimating a form of government that stripped citizens of their power, and reducing the ways in which they could participate politically, ended up being a significant act of manipulation. Carlos Rafael does not mention the February 1959 Fundamental Law as proof of a desire for institutionalism. Instead, he offers as proof the so-called mass organizations and the apparent citizens’ mandate garnered from massive revolutionary meetings in public plazas. This omission is not strange, even though that law was the primary text with normative criteria. In reality, the little attention that was paid to its mandates and the fate of republican institutions conserved in it, demonstrated that it was more about a document aimed a dispelling doubts about the real goal of the revolutionary elite than about a real commitment to follow its pronouncements. Republican institutions consecrated in the Fundamental Law of 1959: the Court of Constitutional Guarantees It is illustrative to see how the Court of Constitutional Guarantees survived much the way republican institutions did during those years. Its powers are described in Article 182 of the 1940 Constitution: the Court of Constitutional Guarantees The tribunal of constitutional and social guarantees is competent to accept jurisdiction in the following matters: “Appeals of unconstitutionality against laws, decree-laws, decrees, resolutions, or acts that may deny, diminish, restrict, or violate the rights and guarantees embodies] in this Constitution, or that may impede the free functioning of the organs of State…” “The following may appeal to the tribunal of constitutional and social guarantees without the necessity of posting a bond: […] All persons individually or collectively who may have been affected by an act or provision that they consider unconstitutional” (Art. 183, section F). The February 1959 Fundamental Law reproduced these functions in its Articles 160 and 161, that is, the Revolution seemed to consecrate the independence of the Judiciary and citizens’ powers in facing sentences that somehow harmed their constitution- 131