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moment of the Helsinki process. All this is important for our Cuban friends to take into account. There are international processes and inter-State factors that are very relevant and affect the efficacy and result of these dialogues. Palous reminded us that lawyers from the Prague Law School, who were, of course, associated with the government, attempted quite seriously to use the classic argument that international accords only imply international obligations; that is, that articles and laws from other international communities could not be used as precedent for rights for Czechoslovak citizens. This was an extremely important point that had to be deliberated internationally and, according to Palous, current deliberations between the United States and Cuba, and Cuba and the European Union should include as much as possible this element of legitimacy that international law offers. The key here is to legitimate citizen participation and the possibility or efficacy of civil society’s representatives. Palous’ second point was on the post-revolutionary period and talked about an element that had an important influence when work on the new Czech Republic’s constitution was going to be worked on. Normativists know the concept as that of a legal revolution. What this means is that there is discontinuity in the law. When there is legal order, the new law essentially takes power from the old one, which proves there is legal continuity. All laws are still in effect until they are replaced, but in a legal revolution this does not apply. A transition must be defined. Czech constitutional tradition since 1918 said that all the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s laws would continue to be in effect with the exception of those that were not compatible with the new republic. It took two years for the Czech constitution to be accepted. Then Palous took us all the way up to 1989, and asked us to take notice of what happened. “Did we have a legal revolution?” he asked. “If so, when? It was certainly when we had the Velvet Revolution in November 1989. During the first two days two very important actions were started: two articles were excised from the Constitution that had to do with the role of the Communist Party’s leadership, and the rest of our legal order remained intact. We had free elections. More importantly, and the reason Palous said this was because it as only in January 1991 that the new parliament accepted the bill of rights, two years after the Velvet Revolution. That was the legal revolution, according to contemporary thought. This is when the discontinuity of laws occurred and a very important second chance for constitutional deliberation presented itself. A deliberative process was organized so that people themselves could offer details about administrative practices, and about all kinds of practices regarding the country’s political and social aspects. That way, it would be possible to ask questions in public and eventually produce deliberative actions. Palous ended his presentation highlighting that the deliberative process 14