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government, or whoever, takes the result seriously, without it being a referendum. This is another necessary step for the creation of policy. It is effective, although it would be easy for a politician to say, “I don’t pay attention to polls. But it would me harder for him or her to stay ‘I don’t listen to the people, to the citizens,” when these same people had the chance to engage in an informed conversation amongst themselves and experts. In this situation, if a politician does not agree, he or she must provide good reasons. In other words, politicians cannot just simply indicate something; they must demonstrate something. This elevates the level of the political debate and the quality of policies. Cavalier finished his presentation by making an important distinction we should heed in the Cuban case. He distinguished deliberation and activism: each one has its own, particular role. The activist wants an agenda, and to promote it; the deliberative forum’s goal is to try to solve a problem. This is a basic distinction, because it is not ideological. It removes ideology from the places it is forcefully introduced and leads to a deliberative problem in more than a few cases: the dominion of individuals with preferences over citizens with wisdom. According to Cavalier, this deliberative dilemma is well studied The Parties versus the People, a book by a colleague of his, Mickey Edwards. Its subtitle is quite suggestive: “How the Republicans and Democrats become Americans Again.” Martin Palous’ presentation was critical and instructive. For him, authors and promoters of deliberative democracy do not explain how to apply this model in totalitarian countries. Palous believes it is only possible after change occurs and went on to offer two examples from his own experiences in what was then Czechoslovak XK