IDENTIDADES 1 ENGLISH IDENTIDADES 5 ENGLISH | Page 51

zens became hopeful that they’d see the realization of the old Independent Party of Color’s objections brought to fruition. This party was brutally repressed in 1912. The government that emerged in 1959 guaranteed a definitive end to racial discrimination in high-sounding declarations, and promoted the idea that there was no longer any racism in Cuba. However, there were no legal measures adopted regarding this. Instead, the problem was never discussed because the problem was implicitly seen as resolved. The regime set other priorities, like economic development, public health, education, an internal struggle against its enemies, and revolutionary solidarity outside Cuba. All this marginalized any discussion about the subject of racism, as well as prostitution. By the end of the 1970s, the government found itself going through difficulties, and decided to allow the return (visit) to Cuba of those who had left due to opposition to the regime. This limited relaxation and liberalization made it possible for a bit more open discussion of racial discrimination. Yet, 125,000 Cuban left the island via the Port of Mariel, in 1980. Among them were many black and mulattoes, Santería practitioners, and homosexuals, who all went to the United States. That was the prelude to the Special Period, which came about in the following decade (after 1989). [Foundation for African American Studies]. Not even Santiago de Cuba’s Casa de África was able to attract many people, despite being one of the principal referents for this kind of research. Focusing on Afro-Cuban religion, books published in the late eighties and early nineties did not have the expected impact. The academic world did not prioritize the subject of blacks on its agenda. Yet, things started to change in 1992. The Communist Party ordered social science institutions to focus on black issues. The issue of race came out in the open, as did many political accusations. The Special Period deepened inequalities, just as the authorities announced it would. Problems like prostitution and racial discrimination became quite visible at this time; they had never gone away. Then, the Color Cubano project cropped up, a fairly publicized effort, but it lacked a short or long-term program. Yes, there were initiatives— poorly organized ones—to talk about racial discrimination. But the regime went through many difficult years, so that concern and many others were relegated as lower priorities. The Rafter Crisis of 1994 marked a climax in the system’s debacle. Even so, the system survived. Protests and criticism about the race issue were raised only at informal meetings and for cathartic purposes. The 90th anniversary celebration of the founding of the Independent Party of Color (PIC), in 1908, was an important landmark: announcements were made about the enormous festivities that would be held in 2008. That era did witness some truncated efforts to revitalize interest in Cuban blacks, e.g., the resurrection of the old Sociedad de Estudios Afrocubanos [Society for Afro-Cuban Studies] as the Fundación de Estudios Afroamericanos 51