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todavía” [There is Still a Lot to Talk About When it Comes to Racism], wrote that Guillermo Rodríguez Rivera, who is pro-government, “pointed out that Zurbano should check things out with his elders.”10 Pedro Pérez Sarduy, in “¡Edita tú, que yo titulo!” [You Edit, I’ll Title It!], who is trying to defend Zurbano, refutes the possibility that Zurbano wrote much of what was published in the body of the article, that “he was absolutely convinced that what was written was adulterated.”11 Edgar London, for his part, shows that what he [Zurbano] said is as if not more harmful than what he didn’t say: “Zurbano’s sin is not that he pointed out the persistence of racism in Cuba, but his implicit accusation of the Revolution for remaining silent about it.”12 In Afromodernidades, Ernesto Pérez Castillo, had not problem whatsoever not only with criticizing Zurbano, but also with insinuating that it would have been necessary to put in or take our words from his mouth: “I am dumbfounded as I read Roberto Zurbano in the New York Times. Not because of what he says, which is not a lot, or anything new, and not even because of what he doesn’t say, but rather of what he should have said, and did not want to…”13 Alejandro de la Fuente wrote of Nicolás Guillén in the introduction to the “Queloides” exhibit, about how the Cuban poet laureate called Cubans who refused to freely use or not use words, “he was referring to those Cubans who were staunchly flag waving patriots who ran away and hid behind patriotic symbols and anthems because a frank discussion about the problem terrified them.”15 By way of conclusion, I’d like to apply this notion to today’s cautious ones, to say that they are Cubans who ‘run and hide behind symbols, national anthems, and official rhetoric.’ Conclusion 5- Ibid, 77. When the Inter Press Service in Cuba asked: “To what degree has the issue of race in Cuba been taken to the people for public conversati