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counterpart to memory, forgetfulness emerges when there is a social unlinking of individuals or various groups. Memories become diluted when they stop communicating memories, after the disappearance of the common base that allowed its collective construction. This bridge between the individual and the social makes it possible to generate, acknowledge, and reconstruct memories.8 rative dignified enough to be exhibited in our memory, inclusion, and even physical existence. If we conjugate Anderson’s triple census-map-museum articulation, the Argentine State relegated its black population to absence: no counting, nowhere to be found, there is no way (nor any reason) to represent them. This is why there are hardly any places in memory about them, which is how this fits in with Halbwachs’ thought. Argentina’s participation in the African genocide can be understood as a tragedy of errors with reverberations that are still in effect. Its involuntary actors are enslaved Africans and their descendants, colonial origin Afro-descendants, on the one hand, and slave owning society, on the other. As we discover the dimensions of this genocide, what remains is to explain why it is a tragedy of mistakes. In the best of cases, I am attempting to rescue the marginal space to which blacks were relegated in the dominant narrative; I take the silence as a common denominator in this asymmetric historical account. According to Anderson (1993), the State deliberative employs museums, along with other institutions to construct national memory, e.g., the census and maps: “Or course, the census, maps, and museums analyze the totally unconscious way in which the nineteenth-century colonial State (and the policies its mentality inspired) dialectically instated the grammar of nationalisms that later on emerged to fight them. In fact, we could even say that the State imagined its local adversaries…way before they took on an authentic historical existence. After the creation of these images came the abstract quantification/serialization of people via a census, the application of logos to public spaces, due to maps, and the ‘ecumenical’ and profane ‘genealogization’ of the museum made intertwined contributions” (Anderson 2000: 14-15). This was a silence imposed on the enslaved, to dominate them, the silence of historians who allowed that past to be minimized and given a kind sheen. It was the silence of social researchers who worked in keeping with a conservative way of thinking, ignoring the scientific method. They made the issue irrelevant to create a vacuum controlled by their authority (Cirio 2007b). It was the silence that became common sense in the complicit society, which still thinks its incorrect to think of AfroArgentinean-ness (Frigerio 2006, 2008) and, paradoxically, it was the self- Despite the fact this study is focused on the Asian Southeast, if we were to look at the decade of 1820 in Argentina, which served to observe generalized “atavistic fantasies in the whole of nationalist thought,” (op. cit. 15), we would see that our incipient freedom coincided with a need to concoct a nar- 129