IDENTIDADES 1 ENGLISH IDENTIDADES 2 ENGLISH | Page 80

posed on blacks at that time: “Generally, members went to church, because that was one of the
only things they had: go to church and go to the
club.”13
The “good” upbringing one had to have to be able
to become a member of the Atenas Occidental
and Hijos de Maceo clubs, and the behavior they
expected of its members, reveal an imitation of
white manners and cultural values. Refinement,
decency and morality had to be sacred to those
who would participate in their numerous recreational activities. This was particularly obvious at
the Atenas Occidental’s dances, where typically
white attire was the rule.
No one would dare show up in African-style
clothing. Women had to be elegant, and wear long
dresses, while men had to wear suits and ties, according to the interviewees. Julieta Carillo emphasized the importance of respect among members, and the rules of conduct during those dance
parties. Her son compared the era of these clubs
with that of post-revolutionary, contemporary
Cuba: “”These clubs created a social discipline.
That was one of their merits…[but], from a social
point of view, from that of education and respect,
all that was lost…this equality brought with it a
los of many ethical values.”14
Organizing artistic and literary events was one of
the ways these clubs promoted the education of
its members. There was singing, music and poetry
reading at them. Hijos de Maceo offered classes
in sewing and other handicrafts; the Atenas Occidental showed movies, offered invited talks and
even published a magazine. All these cultural
manifestations revealed their desire to integrate
into a Cuban culture still based on white culture.

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The two clubs not only reproduced lifestyles that
mirrored that of whites; they were also inclined
towards the culture of the middle class and bourgeoisie.
Family held a prominent position in both clubs,
which is reflected in the comments of ex-members: “There was respect for the family, for one’s
surname.”15
Some members actively participated in political
struggles despite the fact both clubs had declared
themselves to be apolitical in the sense that they
didn’t represent partisan interests. Hijos de Maceo regulations stipulated: “The society will not
adhere to any political idea or party.”16 A number
of my interviewees confirmed this. René Serrano,
who directed the Atenas Occidental club while
Fulgencio Batista was president, stated: “One
could not take politics into the club. Everyone had
is own ideas, but it was more personal than collective.”17
This distancing from political topics can be read
as their disillusion with the State’s inefficiency in
satisfying their expectations, yet the personal nature of political commitment recalls, above all,
Martín Morúa Delgado’s policy of personal integration and promotion of fear regarding any repression on account of collective struggle since
1912.
In addition, these affirmations must be understood in the context of the interdependence of the
relationship between States powers and black associations, which were sometimes an important
voting block. A story shared by an old member of
Hijos de Maceo about the visit of a presidential
candidate (Carlos Saladrigas) who had the club a
piano is significant.18