review of the television research literature , however , indicates that such claims are largely based upon subjective observations rather than theory-guided investigations , and there is no conclusive evidence that television stultifies the mind ( Seels , Berry , Fullerton , & Horn , 1996 ). There is also no consistent evidence that television increases either hyperactivity or passivity in children ( Dorr , 1992 ).
Another popular belief is that television viewing is detrimental to the academic achievement of school-age children and teens . While some studies have reported a negative correlation between the amount of television viewing and scholastic performance , such statistics are susceptible to misinterpretations because of intervening variables such as intelligence and socioeconomic status ( Seels et al ., 1996 ). In a book titled Literacy in the Television Age : The Myth of the TV Effect , Susan Neuman ( 1995 ) provides an in-depth review of research examining the relationship between television and achievement . She concludes that there is insufficient support for the hypothesis that television viewing displaces academic activities such as reading or homework and thereby has a negative impact on school achievement . A competing analysis of the literature by Comstock and Paik ( 1991 ) concluded that the relationship between the amount of time spent viewing television and achievement test scores ( primarily reading tests ) is curvilinear with achievement actually rising with 1-2 hours of television per day , but gradually falling with longer daily viewing periods .
Undoubtedly , the most widespread belief about television is that it fosters violence and aggressive behaviors among children and adolescents ( Winn , 1985 ). A survey of the literature indicates that there have been nearly 20 books published on this topic in the last decade alone , most of them condemning television as causing aggression . In addition , scores of research studies related to this topic are published around the world each year . There is little disagreement that in many , if not most , countries television provides a steady flow of violence ranging to as many as 25 violent acts per hour in children ’ s programming ( Donnerstein , Fairchild , Feshbach , Katz , & Huston , 1993 ). The preponderance of the quantitative research evidence indicates that viewing violence on television is moderately correlated with aggression in children and adolescents ( National Institutes of Mental Health , 1982 ; Seels et al ., 1996 ), but as with all such correlational research , the evidence for direct causality is weaker . Alternative explanations for the reported correlations are possible , e . g ., those children with a tendency toward aggression may be more likely to watch violent television programs . Despite the weak evidence for causality , both the public in general and many politicians have come to accept the conclusion that television violence has negative effects on youth ( Signorielli , 1991 ). As a result , legislation has recently been passed in the USA to compel television networks to provide violence ratings for their programs and to require manufacturers to install electronic blocking devices ( such as the “ V-chip ”) in new TV sets . Similar laws are already in place in other countries .
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