Diplomatist Magazine Diplomatist January 2019 | Page 21

IN FOCUS
India took a decisive shift to embrace Indo-Pacifi c from the erstwhile Asia-Pacifi c, described
as a new cohesive strategic space - as a policy as well as a strategy, this step has now
proved to be very signifi cant for New Delhi as regards bringing uniformity and consistency in
its recent policy initiatives in the entire region and in other parts of the world as well.
peninsular size, vibrant economy, and powerful army, perhaps
so does West Asia too which is, in fact, an extended part of
the Asian continent and is striving hard to establish even a
semblance of peace and security in the region, as the region
continues to remain a boiling cauldron due to macabre
violence and terrorism including Islamic Terror (ISIS). And
if India has devised its rechristened Look East policy and
has been vigorously enacting it during all the past years,
it is perhaps equally desirable for New Delhi to initiate
something meaningful for West Asia too, as expected from
its Look West Policy, because India had been a traditional and
unconditional supporter of the Arab World vis-a-vis Israel for
the long past, particularly on the most violent and obnoxious
issue of Palestine.
Against this backdrop the beginning is marked with the
fi rst meeting of the Quad, a group of four countries viz. the
United States, India, Japan, and Australia, in November
2017 with a view to protect and preserve peace and security
in the region but the actual blueprint of India’s emerging
Indo-Pacifi c policy was laid out by the PM Narendra Modi
at the Shangri-La Dialogue in June 2018, by emphasising
upon rule-based order and security in the Asia-Pacific
region, besides dwelling on territorial disputes in the South
China Sea, North Korea’s military provocations and Islamist
extremism, migration, cyber-security, counterterrorism etc..
Maintaining momentum towards strengthening of national
as well as regional security, India inked a COMCASA
agreement with the US, thereby assuming a stronger footing
in case of Doklam-type crisis in future as it will have access to
superior intelligence and information about battle situations to
be provided by America. Further, it signed a logistics-sharing
strategic pact with France which provides for the use of each
other's military facilities including opening naval bases to
warships against the mounting tense scenario due to China's
growing military expansionism in the Indo-Pacifi c region.
The similar exercise in the form of a military logistics pact,
ACSA with Japan is underway that will allow access to each
other’s naval bases against the backdrop of their consolidating
security ties, designed to balance China’s mounting fearful
infl uence in the region and facilitate the Japanese ships
to access fuel and servicing at major Indian naval bases
including the Andaman and Nicobar islands which lie near
the Malacca Straits, wherefrom a huge amount of trade and
fuel supplies of both Japan and China passes through besides
helping the Indian navy, which is increasingly sending ships
further out as a way to counter China’s expanding presence in
the Indian Ocean and also to get access to Japanese facilities
for logistics & maintenance. Further, India negotiated with
Indonesia to procure a deep seaport for itself in Sabang in
Aceh province to enhance maritime connectivity between the
Provinces including Aceh in Sumatera Islands of Indonesia
and Andaman and Nicobar Islands and also to explore
collaboration to develop strategically located deep-sea port
as part of the Indo-Pacifi c strategy. These besides there are
other countries like Mauritius, Seychelles, and Maldives in
the Indian Ocean region and Somaliland and Eritrea in the
African continent which demand longer term investment
by New Delhi for its strategic presence. Again if the latest
US’ announcement to withdraw its army from Afghanistan
has aroused fear in India about its security as well as that of
the region, it has at the same time enthused all terror outfi ts
particularly the Taliban who will extract maximum mileage
in Kabul, besides off ering enough leverage to India to further
consolidate its strategic presence by expanding its ongoing
relief works pertaining to reconstruction of terror-infested
Afghanistan.
Under this scenario while India’s present Prime Minister
Narendra Modi has been consistently endeavouring to
streamline and transform the country’s foreign policy as a
dynamic, target-oriented, well-focussed and eff ective policy
instrument ever since he assumed office with landslide
victory in 2014, an impartial assessment of the same indicates
towards New Delhi’s persisting inability to integrate the
avenues of trade, technology and investment into a coherent
foreign policy formulation. Perhaps the best option today for
India is to abandon techn-nationalism and, instead, leverage
maximum potential for ensuring better yet cost-eff ective and
pollution-free technological access for the country. This is
possible as nothing is beyond human endeavour.
* The author is Professor at UP Rajarshi Tandon Open
University, Prayagaraj (UP), INDIA.
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist • Vol 7 • Issue 1 • January 2019, Noida • 21