CONTEMPORARY EURASIA VOLUME VIII (1) ContemporaryEurasia81 | Page 57

MAXIMILIAN OHLE, RICHARD J. COOK, ZHAOYING HAN & RYSBEK MAMAZHANOV
its national security due to Kyrgyzstan’s proximity to Xinjiang, as Uyghur
separatists are able to cross the porous Kyrgyz-Chinese border to evade
prosecution. Increasing intelligence cooperation would contribute to a more
comprehensive containment of subversive forces, undermining the regime
legitimacy of SCO member states. Kyrgyzstan in this context is a vulnerable
spot, prompting China to legitimise its leverage over Bishkek by enhancing
the bilateral security cooperation in exchange for “reciprocally beneficial”
economic prospects. In a broader dimension, Kyrgyzstan functions as
China’s outpost to restrain the activities of its geopolitical rivals, primarily
the USA and India, as well as Russia in a regional dimension. Accordingly,
China may be regarded as one of the protective forces of the political order
in Central Asia, along with Russia, despite the fact that Kyrgyzstan puts
more emphasis on its commitments within the framework of the CSTO, as it
provides the scope of more comprehensive military engagement. 46
Therefore, the SCO has emerged as a checks-and-balances theatre for
Moscow and Beijing in the security domain, leading to particular hedging
dynamics in the Eurasian rimlands. Russia is commonly recognised by the
Central Asian republics, including Kyrgyzstan, as the prime protective force
of the regional security order because its security commitments exceed those
of Beijing. As both Beijing and Moscow are competing for geopolitical
influence, Kyrgyzstan is weighing up the respective incentives that
correspond to its multidirectional foreign policy and its balancing moves
between the two regional hegemons. Despite the institutional limitations of
both the SCO and the CSTO, sufficient scope is given to constitute a “social
contract”, involving the establishment of respective platforms for
renegotiations of the bargains in the security domain.
The Economic Domain: The EAEU and the BRI
Inextricably intertwined with security aspects, the economic
development of Kyrgyzstan has been of particular interest for both Russia
and China. In contrast to the other Central Asian republics, Kyrgyzstan’s
pursuit to overcome the economic and political transition involved the
establishment of liberal democracy and a comparatively well-functioning
market economy, albeit the Akayev administration failed to sustain the
reform ambitions. 47 Subsequently, the political instabilities, the high
unemployment, the obsolete technologies as well as nepotism and rampant
corruption reveal an essential need for economic order and development,
specifically considering the aftermath of the Tulip Revolution and the
second governmental overthrow five years later. These conditions
46
Stobdan, Central Asia. Democracy, Instability and Strategic Game in Kyrgyzstan, 65, 184,
192-194.
47
Ibid., xiv-x.
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