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FOREWORD
The Labour Party is not overrun by antisemitism, Islamophobia or other forms of racism. Further, it is
the party that initiated every single United Kingdom race equality law. However, as with wider society,
there is too much clear evidence (going back some years) of minority hateful or ignorant attitudes and
behaviours festering within a sometimes bitter incivility of discourse. This has no place in a modern
democratic socialist party that puts equality, inclusion and human rights at its heart. Moreover, I have
heard too many Jewish voices express concern that antisemitism has not been taken seriously enough
in the Labour Party and broader Left for some years.
An occasionally toxic atmosphere is in danger of shutting down free speech within the Party rather
than facilitating it, and is understandably utilised by its opponents. It is completely counterproductive
to the Labour cause, let alone to the interests of frightened and dispossessed people, whether at
home or abroad. Whilst the Party seeks to represent wider society, it must also lead by example,
setting higher standards for itself than may be achievable, or even aspired to, elsewhere. It is not
sufficient, narrowly to scrape across some thin magic line of non-antisemitic or non-racist motivation,
speech or behaviour, if some of your fellow members, voters or potential members or voters feel
personally vulnerable, threatened or excluded as the result of your conduct or remarks. The Labour
Party has always been a broad coalition for the good of society. We must set the gold standard for
disagreeing well. I set out clear guidance so as to help achieve this.
As with other major political parties, complaints and disciplinary procedures are wanting. They lack
sufficient transparency, uniformity and expertise in delivery. I recommend amendments to procedural
rules capable of giving greater confidence to everyone involved in disciplinary processes, whether they
fear the "witch-hunt" or the "white-wash" at any given moment. In particular, the essentially lay and
untrained handling of matters of discipline is inadequate in modern political parties. I recommend a
tightening of the broad discretion exercised in practice by Party staff as well as clear rules, guidance
and training and the insertion of a legally qualified panel into the disciplinary process to assist the
senior democratic body that is Labour's National Constitutional Committee ("NCC").
Those who assume leadership or representative positions within the Party, whether paid or unpaid, at
a local, regional or national level, must be trained to, and judged by, an even higher standard than the
wider membership. I suggest some possible ways in which a world-class training programme might be
approached.
I recommend some greater breadth, detail and specificity to the Code of Conduct, Party Rules and
disciplinary procedures as well as resort to a greater range of disciplinary sanctions short of expulsion;
though expulsion may no doubt be necessary in some cases of gross, repeated or unrepentant
unacceptable behaviour.
Urgent attention must be given to local parties who have been subject to "special measures" and
greatly impaired democracy and autonomy for some years. The largely unchecked power of regional
staff should be much more closely supervised and there must be greater inclusion and representation
of black and minority ethnic people on the staff and at every elected level within the Party.
I ask Labour members, regardless of their particular strand or tradition in the Party, to work with these
recommendations and put other policy and factional differences aside when race and human rights and as a result, the reputation of the Labour Party - are on the table. In particular, it is possible to
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