Tswana states had developed a core set of political
institutions. These involved both an unusual degree, by sub-
Saharan African standards, of political centralization and
collective decision-making procedures that can even be
viewed as a nascent, primitive form of pluralism. Just as the
Magna Carta enabled the participation of barons into the
political decision-making process and put some
restrictions on the actions of the English monarchs, the
political institutions of the Tswana, in particular the kgotla ,
also encouraged political participation and constrained
chiefs. The South African anthropologist Isaac Schapera
describes how the kgotla worked as follows:
all matters of tribal policy are dealt with finally
before a general assembly of the adult males
in the chief’s kgotla (council place). Such
meetings are very frequently held … among
the topics discussed … are tribal disputes,
quarrels between the chief and his relatives,
the imposition of new levies, the undertaking
of new public works, the promulgation of new
decrees by the chief … it is not unknown for
the tribal assembly to overrule the wishes of
the chief. Since anyone may speak, these
meetings enable him to ascertain the feelings
of the people generally, and provide the latter
with an opportunity of stating their
grievances. If the occasion calls for it, he and
his advisers may be taken severely to task,
for the people are seldom afraid to speak
openly and frankly.
Beyond the kgotla , the Tswana chieftaincy was not
strictly hereditary but open to any man demonstrating
significant talent and ability. Anthropologist John Comaroff
studied in detail the political history of another of the
Tswana states, the Rolong. He showed that though in
appearance the Tswana had clear rules stipulating how the
chieftancy was to be inherited, in practice these rules were
interpreted to remove bad rulers and allow talented
candidates to become chief. He showed that winning the
chieftancy was a matter of achievement, but was then