Insights
Facing the new Agent Orange in human form
We used to live in a world dominated not just by the military and economic power of the United States, but by its cultural power. There was no corner of the earth where American cultural influence did not make its presence known, even as the power of the dollar and the Department of Defense had its limitations and faced pushback. This was the case in the second half of the 20th century. It just doesn’ t seem like it anymore.
As a nation, the United States emerged from World War II as the dominant geostrategic power. The Soviet Union was a near-peer competitor. It was almost as militarily strong as the United States. The Soviet Union could threaten European nations with military power and could force its own allies( in Eastern Europe) to go along with Soviet initiatives.
But in reality, the United States was the dominant economic and cultural force. Even as America made mistakes and blunders in the world, such as the Vietnam War or pushing weaker nations around, everybody still wanted to be American.
Being American was reinforced by generations of cowboy movies and glamorous stars, alongside jazz and rock-and-roll emerging from African American communities.
The dollar was just so strong it couldn’ t be resisted. In the middle of the Cold War, I once went to Yugoslavia and was told that I had to buy things in dinars. Every seller of goods in Yugoslavia wanted to know if I had dollars. I visited East Berlin and went through the famous Checkpoint Charlie, indicating I was leaving the American zone. I visited department stores run by the German Democratic Republic that featured electronic equipment made in Bulgaria. It was a lesson in free markets that I never forgot.
Most of the world in the 20th century believed that Americans were the good guys. Americans believed it, too. No matter how many mistakes they made, including those outlined in the novel and movie“ The Ugly American,” people had faith that America would do the right thing. The motives were good, but the implementation was sometimes befuddled by cultural arrogance.
This could be fixed through education about tolerance and cultural openness.
But today’ s America is hostile to cultural sensitivity and runs its diplomacy through a combination of dollar coercion and military threats.
In the middle of the chaos that we are experiencing with an erratic American president and other worldwide trends, wanting to be an American seems passé and out of date. The geostrategic world has become multipolar, despite Trump’ s appeals to a bygone era of spheres of influence. Countries that the United States has bullied through tariffs are now making blockbuster trade deals with China and with one another. Along with this geostrategic multipolarity, American cultural influence continues to wane.
Today’ s world is watching Chinese, Latin American and Filipino dramas on their phone. They are listening to K-pop while being enamored by anime and manga. They are or soon will be driving BYDs( Chinese electric vehicles) around the world, including north and south of the U. S. border. The U. S. national anthem is being hissed in other countries. The president is being booed in at American sporting events. Flexing American strength has only led to a growth of Canadian and other forms of
The Federated States of Micronesia, Palau and the Marshall Islands— collectively known as freely associated states under the Compacts of Free Association— have to start working closely together and not just on so-called“ regional issues.”
nationalism, which used to be dormant or understated.
The weaker may be making a comeback, but under a different kind of world order. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney made a statement at Davos last month that, hopefully, will stand the test of time and serve as a model for the future. He outlined a course of action for“ middle powers.” He acknowledged the rupture of the international system. There are no rules-based orders if the superpowers continue to exempt themselves, as they have. Might makes right is really the corollary to“ peace through strength.”
Carney warns that smaller powers should not compete with each other merely to curry the favor of the powerful. Negotiating bilaterally with a hegemon means negotiating from a position of weakness. It becomes a competition to be the most accommodating. He boldly stated,“ This is not sovereignty. It is the performance of sovereignty while accepting subordination.”
What this means for us in the U. S.-affiliated Pacific is uncertain, but almost all signs are negative at worst or confusing at best, unless we assert ourselves. In the old days, American attention was drawn to us primarily because of our geostrategic value, but there was also some attention to democratic values.
In the new American worldview, we may fall within the Chinese sphere of influence. Whether subjected to the whims of China as a new hegemon or subjected to the wishes of an older hegemon, we are busy trying to find new ways to accommodate.
In the new middle-power point of view, we should be in the sphere we help create. That comes through joint action and partnerships. Accommodation is not a strategic goal; it is a tactical necessity at times.
The reality is that the Federated States of Micronesia, Palau and the Marshall Islands— collectively known as freely associated states under the Compacts of Free Association— have to start working closely together and not just on so-called“ regional issues.” The U. S. territories need to profit from their relationship with the COFA states. Both sides need to start looking to the fully independent Pacific nations and Asian countries as partners.
This is all dependent on defining who is included in the“ we” and who is excluded from our island region. Failure to define“ we” in a way that benefits us all will keep us on the path to subordination and the vagaries of interpreting a new kind of Agent Orange. This new Agent Orange is not in chemical form, but in human form. It is equally harmful and will corrode relationships, goodwill and democratic values.
Dr. Robert Underwood is the former president of the University of Guam and former member of the U. S. House of Representatives. Send feedback to anacletus2010 @ gmail. com.
The opinions expressed here are solely the author ' s and do not reflect the editorial position of the Pacific Island Times.
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