Vanderbilt Political Review Spring 2014 | Page 19

SPRING 2014 ing factors to such immobile politics. Due to educational inequity in the United States, upward mobility is severely reduced. As a result of the highly unequal nature of the public school experience in the United States being dependent upon one’s income or residence in a relatively homogenous income area, thre is a solidification of inequality in the United States. This hardening reality of inequality in the United States may fuel the partisan polarization and divide so evident in American politics DOMESTIC tween education, income, and political polarization, other factors influence the modern American phenomenon of political gridlock. In fact, it must be noted that income is but one of the various elements that form Democrats’ and Republicans’ respective coalitions. The correlation between income and partisan affiliation is not unique, for as noted in an article by Derek Thompson in The Atlantic, “geography, education, race, and marital status all influence both our earning potential and our polarization on the basis of income inequality. Education is one of the responsible – and flagrantly unequal – factors. The essence of the American dream, that one can get ahead with hard work through education, may not translate into the reality of the situation of educational inequity and income inequality in the United States today. Additionally, the political polarization and gridlock – terms frequently coined by political observers to describe the current state of American politics – are driven in part Due to the ingrained inequities in the American public school system, educational inequality acts as at least one indirect factor that drives the gridlock in Congress. today. Nonetheless, the fact of the matter is that educational inequities have created a situation in which achieving financial success independent of starting income is increasingly difficult – perhaps even impossible at some levels. According to Ezra Klein of The Washington Post, “America now has less social mobility than countries such as Canada, Germany, and France.” The effects of educational inequities on the reduction of American social mobility are starkly apparent in a statistic cited by President Obama and quoted in Klein’s article: that “a child born into the top twenty percent has about a two-in-three chance of staying at or near the top.” By contrast, those children at the other end of the spectrum, in the lowest income bracket, have “a less than one-in-twenty shot at making to the top.” While thecausal link between educational inequity and this lack of social mobility in the United States seems abstract, the quality of education is likely a highly salient feature that solidifies the income inequality in this country that seems today to be growing in both seriousness and relevance to American politics. Amidst the complex relationship be- vote.” Other demographic factors are certainly responsible for today’s political polarization, but the income factor is interesting for a number of reasons. First, the two parties’ philosophies regarding the role of government in ameliorating the income gap are fundamentally divergent. The Pew Research Center cites the statistic that ninety percent of Democrats believe that the government’s role in “reducing the gap between the rich and everyone else” should amount to “a lot” or “some,” while among Republicans, only fortyfive percent ascribe to the same belief in heavy government involvement in remedying the issue. Second, among both Democrats and Republicans, and therefore bridging the partisan divide, is a belief that “most people can get ahead through hard work,” despite a belief in the economy’s advantaging of the wealthy. As a result, there is a dichotomy in the debate regarding income inequality. If the economy is thought to advantage the wealthy, how can people ensure their financial well-being and experience social mobility through hard work? Another factor must be at play, a factor that indirectly drives political by income inequality. While many factors contribute to the partisan divide, income inequality is evidently one of those factors, with the two parties deriving their coalitions from bases that are, in some sense, divided along lines of income. While there are certainly exceptions to this rule and political coalitions also form on the basis of factors that are entirely unrelated to socioeconomic conditions, economic mobility i ́