Reflectors
By Eric Aseo
Jan . 23 - 28 , 2017 Vanguard OPINION 7
Vintage View
By Prof . Rolly Borrinaga
A testament to Padre Gaspar ’ s legacy
( The only historical marker so far of the then National Historical Institute , now the National Historical Commission of the Philippines ( NHCP ), in Biliran Province was the one installed at the Bantayan ng Biliran in Biliran town . The unveiling ceremony was held on September 10 , 2008 , or nine years ago . Here was my speech at the affair .)
Today ’ s unveiling ceremony for this historical marker at the Bantayan ng Biliran marks the formal recognition by the National Historical Institute ( NHI ) and the history community of a distinct and significant contribution of our province to the history of Eastern Visayas and of the country .
Let me read to you my English translation of the marker ’ s Tagalog text . It says :
“ Watchtower of Biliran
“ Erected on this hill [ upon his initiative ] by Father Gaspar Ignacio de Guevara [,] including the church and fort that served as sanctuary of the faithful , 1765- 1774 . [ The ] only remnants when this area was burned by Moro pirates , 1774 . Used in [ the ] propagation of communal religion in Biliran ,
Reflectors
By Reynaldo B . Almenario
The column of Ernesto M . Ordoñez headlined , Leyte : Agriculture cuts poverty rate , in the Philippine Daily Inquirer ( Jan . 13 , 2017 ) is intriguing . He reports that the poverty level in the province dropped to 23 percent in 2015 from 31 percent in 2012 , or a decline of 8 percent over a period of just 3 years , the midyear of which was battered by super typhoon Yolanda .
“ How did this happen ,” Ordoñez asks . And the incumbent Leyte governor , Dominick Petilla , says agriculture did it .
Off hand , that is a welcome news . But it is mindboggling as well . Is it in the nature of Leyteños to get out of poverty that fast ? Yolanda struck in November 2013 , adversely affecting all sectors of the economy : agriculture and fisheries , trade and industry , services . That means it took only 2 years , 2014-2015 , for the poor residents to rebuild their homes and livelihoods and beat poverty within that short span of time . Truly ,
Leyte and Samar . Example of architecture made of corals and stone during the time of the Spaniards . Rehabilitated , 2000 .”
Until the early 1970s the tales about Padre Gaspar , who was accorded the status of a saint and prophet by old folks of this town , were dismissed as myth or legend and his legacy was degraded as superstition by schooled people and sectors outside of this town .
However , the myth converted to history in the early 1970s when the late Fr . Cantius J . Kobak , OFM , an American Franciscan missionary and historian formerly assigned in Calbayog , Samar , unearthed in the Philippine National Archives the appointment papers of Don Gaspar Ignacio de Guevara , dated October 10 , 1765 , as curate of San Juan Nepomuceno Parish in Biliran .
In my research , I had attributed to Padre Gaspar the leadership of what I called the “ Biliran Religious Revolt ” from 1765-1774 . I consider this event as probably the most successful native revolt against the Spanish regime in the Philippines in terms of impact and future influence , although it is not yet included in our history textbooks . The commune established by Padre Gaspar in Biliran also seems to have been the Asian equivalent of the famous Jesuit-inspired experiment in commune society living among the Guarani Indians of Paraguay , in South America , around the same period .
Padre Gaspar ’ s legacy gave women the virtual monopoly as worship leaders in performing novena prayers for the dead and related religious rituals in Leyte and Samar . And his experiment in communal religion provid-
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Declining poverty incidence in Leyte ?
that feat is one for the Guinness world records .
But as I said , that is mind-boggling . Indeed , can an agricultural province where residents are largely dependent on coconut and rice ever rise that quick from the monumental devastations wrought by Yolanda , and even beat poverty after only two years ?
Let ’ s assume coconut farmers began replanting coconut in 2014 . Using early maturing varieties that bear fruit after 3 years , that means harvests can happen beginning in 2017 . But while waiting for the coconut trees to grow and bear fruit , cash crops can be planted between rows and harvests can be made after 60 days at the earliest , assuming normal conditions .
On the other hand , rice farmers presumably began cultivating their farms in 2014 . After 3 or 4 months , harvests can be made , again assuming normal conditions , sans the vagaries of the weather . Besides crops ,
farmers can also raise animals and fowls within a year . And that would be additional income generated .
But there is the marketing dilemma . Characteristically , the market structure for agricultural and fishery products in this country ranges from monopsonistic ( single buyer ) to oligopsonistic ( few buyers ). Both market structures are lorded over by traders who determine product quality and control prices , leaving the small farmers virtually helpless price-takers .
In many cases , the traders also double as creditors to small farmers in dire need of cash for various reasons . This creditor-debtor relationship effectively ties the small farmer to a lopsided transaction that requires him or her to commit his / her marketable quantities to the creditor-trader at prices the latter dictates . Such is how the monopsonist trader-creditor controls supplies and prices . And such is why , despite
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Samar breeze
By Eric Aseo
Why Samar is poorer
Why is Samar island poorer than the island of Leyte ? Local pundits would be quick to cite the uneven flow of resources from the national government as a possible reason . Leadership may be cited as another . But other possible reasons are worth exploring .
Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson tried to answer more or less the same question in their bestselling book , Why Nations Fail . They came up with insightful answers that may help us understand poverty in the Samar provinces and the relative prosperity of Leyte island .
It ’ s not culture , not the weather , nor geography that makes a country or a place poor . What determines poverty or prosperity , the book argues , is the level of inclusiveness of political institutions . Institutions are inclusive when many people have a say in decision-making and they are not when they allow the elite to dominate and exploit the rest of the citizens .
Places with more inclusive institutions are more prosperous because they provide better guarantees and incentives for enterprising citizens to invest , innovate and drive development . The authors provided empirical evidences that prove their argument . South Korea is much more prosperous than North Korea . Nogales in Sonora , Mexico , is much poorer than its border city neighbor , Nogales in Arizona , USA . All because their political institutions differ in their levels of inclusiveness .
Is this also the case of next-door neighbors Samar and Leyte islands ? Is Samar island poor because political institutions are not inclusive ? Are political institutions in Leyte island more
i-touch mo na !!!
inclusive ?
The last 25 years is a good reckoning period in assessing local political institutions . In 1991 , powers and resources were devolved from the national government to local governments . Immediately it put citizens in a better position to engage local political institutions , but it also made capture of these institutions easier for local elites .
In both islands , the local elites it seemed has had control of political institutions , local governments in particular . One family would wield power for three years or more , then rival families would take over , and the cycle goes on . The two islands only differ in the effectiveness of citizen engagement of elite-controlled political institutions and the extent local elites would go to stop any attempt to challenge their control .
Thus , political killings would happen in Samar island even in between elections . One has lost count of the number of fatalities that continues until now in Samar province . Seldom would one also hear over the radio of citizens challenging the judiciousness of provincial government budgets or criticizing the effectiveness of city government services . The local media perhaps has also become another institution that has fallen into the control of local elites .
In Leyte , citizen engagements of political institutions are seemingly more vibrant . One hears citizens regularly complaining about garbage collection and other services or trike drivers mobilizing to challenge a new traffic scheme . Political killings are unheard of especially in between elections and some local officials still care to ex-
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