manipulate, congeal and / or enshrine certain specific artificial determinations of value, price, profit and wage etc., as somehow set, legitimate and finalized, yet, devoid of any overarching law of value. Specifically, this social warfare, or social constructive process, is more or less an extension of Clausewitz’ s principle that“ war is a … continuation of policy [ i. e. politics ] by other means …[ that ] war is not merely a political act, but also a truly political instrument, a continuation of political commerce, a carrying out of the same by other means”[ 106 ]. This politics is social construction itself, just as war is social construction itself. Both politics and war are two composite characteristics of the social constructive process, which encompasses and permeates the social relations and the webs of exchanges that form post-industrial, post-modern society and the interactions between societies. Moreover, through this social constructive process, certain socio-economic norms are established, including certain arbitrary determinations of value, price, profit and wage, both within and across spheres of production. Politics, like war, is the social constructive process of creative-power establishing sets of conceptual-perceptions, networks and managerial practices, which solidify business practices, business valuations, business statistics and more importantly the steadiness needed across the capitalist system in order to accumulate and extract surplus value, surplus values of all types and kinds.
The post-industrial, post-modern theory of value and surplus value, from which theories of conceptual-commodity-value-management are derived, is founded on the idea that value, price, profit and wage is a matter of what a person or network can get away with in the marketplace. It is about control and the power to set certain artificial values, prices, profits and wages, while being able to enforce these arbitrary determinations over an extended period of time and space. What the public and / or a specific economic sphere, in general, thinks is valid and an acceptable fair market value is relative in relation to the ever-changing make-up of the social constructive process inherent within the capitalist modes of production, consumption and distribution. In the end, price, value, profit and wage are always admixing with one another in ambiguity, fluctuation and arbitrariness, due to the fact that price, value, profit and wage determinations are always about what can be enforced and reinforced over an extended period of time and space, rather than about any overarching mechanical law of value.
All in all, general-value, or the general-value of any other quantifiable and / or unquantifiable value for which it can be exchanged, depends on conceptual-perception, i. e. what an individual, or a set of individuals, think of its inherent worth and exchangeability. This may be, like Marx surmised, the relative quantity of labor, which is necessary for its production, or not. This is a situation, which can only be valid, if the given individuals participating in this type of economy ascribe to the rules and assumptions set out by the Marxian ideational comprehensive framework, or for that matter the modern capitalist ideational framework etc. Conceptual-perception is always a matter of social construction, that is, a confluence of forces exerting influence on bodies and intellects coercing them, both softly and obdurately, to conform to certain socially constructed arbitrary notions and assumptions, pertaining to price, value, profit and wage etc. At its base, labor-power has little do with value, in the sense that creative-power appears to be a much more important component in value, price, profit and wage determinations. At best, labor-power, which produces a specific type of value, i. e. scientifically quantifiable value, which Marx has correctly latched onto, is nevertheless simply a medium, one of many, by which the insatiable drive for ownership / knowledge expresses itself, that is, expresses its creative-power. Subsequently, breaking with the logic of capitalism, requires the ability to understand that different ideational comprehensive frameworks conceive of value, price, profit and wage differently, in different manners, definitions and polemic lines of conflict, revolt and revolution. Ultimately, this is the conduit to the association of free men and women, working side by side, radiating creative-power and general-value in all directions, pressed with the means of production, circulation and distribution, firmly within their collective grip.