6 JACK CRANGLE
inevitable. Baldoli (2003: 14) cites the selection of teachers by the Italian Foreign
Ministry as clear evidence of the schools’ propaganda function; the fact that the
Belfast school was to be taught by a “specially chosen Italian teacher” supports her
argument (‘Mussolini and Belfast’: 4). Other initiatives included the provision of
summer camps in Italy for the children of migrants, a scheme known as the Balillia
(Ugolini 2011: 67). Balillia camps were evidently designed to indoctrinate children.
According to a UK Home Office report, children selected for the Balillia spent much
of their time in Italy learning “to salute the flag, to drill with dummy rifles and to sing
the Giovanezza and other patriotic Fascist songs” (1937: 3). Children from Northern
Ireland participated in Balillia camps on at least two occasions. In 1933, twelve boys
departed for Italy and another group visited two years later (‘Month’s visit to Italy’
1933: 8; ‘Guests of Italy’ 1935: 10). The fact that the scheme was confined to boys
emphasises the gender exclusivity of the fasci and the Balillia’s militarism.
Official Response
The obvious political component of Northern Ireland’s two fasci dispels the notion
that they were purely social clubs. The party was Northern Ireland’s only interwar
fascist group with substantial links to a foreign dictatorship. However, the RUC
deemed the Fascist Party to be of little concern due to the fact that it was only open to
Italian nationals. The same report was far more cautious when discussing a homegrown movement, the British Fascists, warning that it would be unadvisable for state
officials to associate themselves with the movement (Royal Ulster Constabulary
1926). Authorities in London began to monitor Italian fascism by the mid-1930s. In
September 1935 a Home Office official wrote to the chief constables of several
regional UK police forces, including the RUC, suggesting that the Fascist Party may
be “worth some attention” (UK Home Office 1935). There is no evidence that the
RUC followed up the Home Office’s advice, as the Fascist Party continued its
activities as normal in Northern Ireland (‘Guests of Italy’ 1935: 10). The lack of
attention paid to the movement’s activities can be explained by several factors. In
addition to being unconcerned with local politics, the Fascist Party operated
peacefully and lawfully (Fisk 1983: 50). One must also remember that Italian fascism
had yet to be tainted by its postwar association with Nazism. Relaxed official