4 JACK CRANGLE
fascism in the UK (‘New flag blessed’ 1925: 10). It is unclear whether the fasci’s proBritish gestures on Armistice Day angered the local nationalist community, with
whom Italians shared a religion. Regardless, the organisation clearly attempted to
show courtesy towards local unionist customs in an effort to enhance Italians’
respectability. The fasci portrayed Italian patriotism as perfectly compatible with
loyalty to Britain; during Armistice Day in 1924, fascists in Belfast saluted both the
King of Italy and the British monarch in a display of dual-respect (‘Northern
Fascisti’: 8). The growing legitimisation of the Italian community in Northern Ireland
allowed them to express their national identity positively and proudly. When the 1933
air armada arrived in Derry, there was reportedly a “carnival spirit” amongst the
city’s Italian population, with bunting erected and demand for Italian flags reaching
unprecedented levels (‘Derry Fascisti to welcome fliers’: 7; ‘Early start of air
armada?’: 11). Two Fascist Party members commemorated the event by naming their
new-born daughters Atlantica and Italia, an expression of growing Italian selfassurance (‘Balbo may take off to-day’: 9). Despite incorporating only a minority of
the community, the Fascist Party played a significant role in establishing Italian
immigrants as an accepted feature of Northern Ireland’s social landscape and
boosting the self-confidence of an immigrant group which was attempting to break
free from disparaging stereotypes (Baldoli 2003: 1).
Political Function
The analysis so far suggests that - as Loughlin (1995: 537) argues - Italian fascism in
Northern Ireland was merely a community-oriented cultural movement and a social
network for Italian businessmen. On this assessment, the organisation appears to have
served no political function beyond the representation of local Italians. Colpi (1991:
87) claims that the patriotism prom oted by fascism merely marked a desire to
maintain links with Italy. Oral history testimony from Italians in Scotland supports
this argument. Joseph Pia, an interviewee from Ugolini’s (2011: 64) research, claimed
the fasci to be “not political in the least”, whilst another stated that most members
attended to socialise rather than discuss politics. These statements correspond with
how the Fascist Party was portrayed in the local press. Newspaper reports adopted a
factual tone, contrastingly, local Blackshirt gatherings were depicted as sinister and