Outlook English - Print Subscribers Copy Outlook English, 26 March 2018 | Page 17
by the Pakistanis, who admit that when
relations take a turn for the worse, nei
ther side is willing to give any quarters
without a fight.
Many in Pakistan and India point out
that relations began to worsen after
family members of Kulbhushan Yadav,
the Indian national who is in Pakistani
custody and charged with espionage,
visited him. Though Pakistan allowed
the visit after dragging its feet for long,
the ISI ensured that Yadav’s family had
an extremely harrowing time. Undoub
tedly, the visit—given wide media cover
age in India—embittered many Indians,
who read in it a dire sign of how serious
Pakistan was about normalising ties.
S
Left, The Indian High Commission in
Islamabad; top, Kulbhushan Yadav
meets his wife and mother
ship was put on hold.
The Pakistanis complained that since
the high commissioner in New Delhi
and other senior Pakistani officials have
to pay huge membership fees for access
to either the Gymkhana or the Delhi
Golf Club—unlike the Indian High
Commissioner’s subsidised member
ship rate at the Islamabad Club—such
privileges should be extended only on
the basis of reciprocity. India has tried
to reason that these are private clubs
with their own set of rules, where the
government’s interference is not enter
tained. Such arguments have not
worked with the Pakistanis so far.
Officials point out that despite techni
calities, the club issue reflects the state
of India-Pakistan relations. In the past,
membership to the Islamabad Club had
never been an issue, though relations
were mostly based on reciprocity. Does
this partial abandonment of diplomatic
civility towards each other’s diplomats
indicate the lowest level in ties?
“No. I certainly don’t think so. They
were worse in the mid 1990s, when har
assment, intimidation and even physical
attacks had become a regular feature,”
says former MEA secretary Vivek Katju.
Other Indian officials, however, say
PTI
that though harassment and intimida
tion of diplomats were par for the course,
careful attention was given to avoid vio
lating the Vienna Convention. This
meant officials not holding diplomatic
passports could be physically assaulted,
while diplomats were spared with only
verbal abuse and other harassment.
“It is more a case of systematic harass
ment than direct violation of the Vienna
Convention,” says a former Indian dip
lomat. He points out that much of these
activities that are not deemed political
are carried out when relations are seri
ously strained.
Indian officials, on their part, acknowl
edge these practices, but say the situation
can always get nastier in Pakistani. Acc
ording to them, Indian agencies seldom
act against Pakistani diplomats and offi
cials without the MEA’s approval. Across
the border, however, the foreign ministry
is often overruled or kept in the dark by
the ISI or the Pakistani ‘deep state’ that
almost runs a parallel establishment.
Predictably, such claims are contested
Indian agencies don’t
harass Pakistani
diplomats without MEA
approval. The ISI has no
such fetters upon them.
INCE chances of talks—with both
countries getting into the election
mode—seems remote, this unlovely
turn of events often turns the narra
tive towards a brief armed engagement.
“India could try a surgical strike, but
the possibility to upping the ante to
push the Pakistan army back into giving
up the use of non-state actors is weak,”
says Siddiqa. According to her, India
may not even be able to win a limited,
conventional war—a dangerous, difficult
option. Not ruling it out, she says, “But
politicians and decision-makers may
not have the EQ to understand the lim
ited options and thus might stumble
upon the error of a war.”
But many in the Indian establishment
feel that with the US putting pressure
on Pakistan to relinquish their support
for terror groups operating from its soil,
along with New Delhi’s attempt to nor
malise ties with Pakistan’s main backer,
China, it may be a good idea to force
Pakistan to mend its ways with a short
war, or at least with the threat of one.
But Siddiqa warns that it would be a
problematic calculation on India’s part
to think of improved relations with
China as a signal of its ability to squeeze
Pakistan. She laments, “The larger issue
in the region is that currently there is no
single power whose diplomatic inter
vention is accepted by both India and
Pakistan, especially during a crisis.”
It’s indescribably malign to let strained
ties mangle the correct protocol that
every diplomat deserves. As mature nat
ions, India and Pakistan should take a
plunge towards the talks table. They
should, at least, spare the people who are
at the vanguard of creating better ties. O
26 March 2018 OUTLOOK 17