Outlook English - Print Subscribers Copy Outlook English, 18 June 2018 | Page 68

books A . S . Dulat , Asad Durrani and Aditya Sinha

books A . S . Dulat , Asad Durrani and Aditya Sinha

The Spy Chronicles : RAW , ISI And The Illusion Of Peace | HarperCollins | 321 pages | Rs 799

Two Wayfarers On The Bridge Of Spies

Track II is a behind-the-scenes bridge to efforts at resolution . Dulat and Durrani ’ s informative ‘ intel dialogue ’ falls short of the candour that might make a difference .
by Vappala Balachandran

IT was former US State Department officer Joseph V . Montville who had coined the word ‘ Track-II ’ while writing in Foreign Policy ( Winter-1981-82 ) on conflict resolution negotiations . He was defining attempts by non-official channels to find common ground that official negotiators ( Track-I ) could not . But Montville did not invent the process . President Dwight Eisenhower had used it through Norman Cousins , editor of The Saturday Review , to break a stalemate in negotiations with Soviet Union during the Gary Powers U-2 Spy plane incident ( 1960-62 ). Cousins had set up the ‘ Dartmouth Confe rence ’ in 1960 , assembling American and Soviet intellectuals for info rmal dialogue .

But Montville did not consider ‘ Track-II ’ as a substitute for ‘ Track-I ’. The aim of both tracks is problem solving and not mere dialogue . Montville ’ s Track-II only provided a ‘ bridge ’ to facilitate decisions through Track-I . He envisaged situations when “ people who have the trust of their groups ” could “ influence the top leadership ” of conflicting nations .
The book under review is a record of Track-II ‘ Intel Dialogue ’ ( intelligence dia logue ) during 2016-2017 between former ISI Chief Gen . Asad Durrani ( 1990- 92 ) and former RAW chief A . S . Dulat ( 1999-2000 ) in Istanbul , Bangkok and Kathmandu , moderated and reco rded by senior journalist Aditya Sinha . It covers practically all facets of India-Pakistan iss ues , personal interpretations of both on bilateral and multi- lateral dev e- lopments , including intelligence and their recommendations for the future .
However , neither Dulat nor Durrani could claim that they had the ‘ trust ’ of their governments . This is not due to
their fault but due to changed circumstances in their countries . Durrani had a reputation as a non-political intelligence chief who risked many bumps in his career , according to Hein G . Kiessling of the Ludwig Maximilian University , author of a history of the ISI ( Faith , Unity Discipline — The ISI of Pakistan , 2016 ). The book is considered to be a semi-official account , as ISI had supplied official versions to the author .
In 1988 , Zia was so annoyed with Durrani for giving a lecture on democracy at
Remarks by the spy chiefs might excite the media but don ’ t help in finding solutions . Durrani doesn ’ t reveal the reasons for turbulence in Kashmir in 1989 , and is silent on 26 / 11 .
TRIBHUVAN TIWARI
SPYMASTERS Gen Asad Durrani ( left ) and A . S . Dulat , former chiefs of the ISI and RAW respectively , who held an ‘ intel-dialogue ’ in 2016-2017
the National Defence College that he blocked his promotion . In 1990 , prime minister Nawaz Sharif reluctantly appointed him ISI chief , but removed him in March 1992 . After the publication of the book under review , he has been called to order by his GHQ at the suggestion of Nawaz Sharif for violating the military code of conduct in airing views deemed against the official stand , especially the Abbo tt a- bad operation involving Osama bin Laden .
Dulat , who worked for long years on the Kashmir desk in the Intelligence Bureau , was a very successful RAW chief . In 2000 , PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee chose him as adviser for the crucial Kashmir dialogue . Dulat reveals that it was his idea to suggest to the newly elected prime minister , Narendra Modi , to inv ite Nawaz Sharif for his swearing-in ceremony in 2014 , as his contacts in Srinagar had suggested that “ he was keen to come ”. He confirmed this through Dur rani and passed it on to the new ‘ bigwigs ’.
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