EDITORIAL
Once again , I have the pleasure of addressing you from our humble yet solid public platform represented by this new issue of Observing Memories . In a turbulent world , according to the latest statistics from our colleagues at the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs ( CIDOB ), we are living through a period with more open conflicts - ranging from explicit wars to political , social , and humanitarian disputes - than at any time since the Second World War . These conflicts are marked by constant violations of human rights , not only in our old Europe , particularly in the East , but also in the entrenched violence in Africa and Asia , the “ dark silence ” imposed on many women in autocratic nations , and the persistent lethal attacks on civilians in the Middle East . Faced with this reality and the worrying trend of democracy veering towards an extreme , unjust , and unthinking right-wing stance , feelings of perplexity and frustration have re-emerged in a glaring manner .
In this context , politics of memory - reflections on the past that serve as transformative values in the present - are more necessary than ever . Such politics of memory are interpreted as a social and political process that gives the past a future . This future is activated in the present , not as an abstract concept but as an ethical , social , cultural , and civic action that intersects with many others . It becomes , in the 21st century , a citizen ’ s right , embodying the values of social justice , equality , reparations , and public responsibility . At the European Observatory on Memories ( always in the plural ), we critically approach the recent past . We recognise that memory is not a solution to current problems or conflicts ; it is not a magical formula . This critical perspective aligns with Gensburger and Lefranc in the monograph we translated into Spanish , which calls for opening politics of memory to the multifaceted sphere of society through cultural memory , as Marianne Hirsch suggested long ago , or by embracing a new “ memorial turn ”, advocated by Professor Vinyes . This “ turn ,” which places memory at the centre as a right rather than a duty , also propels us towards a multidisciplinary approach , integrating memory into broader societal and political spheres while internationalising processes into increasingly universal concepts . These efforts do not aim to simulate protective policies but rather to establish substantive frameworks .
As we have consistently argued during our annual meetings , “ Taking Stock on European Politics of Memory ”, diversity , subaltern memories , and the concepts included in the new CERV programme outline various pathways that are correct in theory and also in the practice of promoting and implementing projects , research , and creative initiatives related to the uses of the past . We work in partnership with civil society , young people , and national and transnational historical memory associations to disseminate this right . We approach it as the right to truth , justice , and reparation , grounded in universal principles . To this , I add a new concept : “ Public Responsibility ”. Memory , as a space of power , also exerts influence on those who administer it , demanding responsibility - a responsibility that must also be executive . We know , particularly in Spain , that there are excellent legislative texts on the right to memory and its development . However , without implementation and the public responsibility to provide resources ( budgets ) and access to these laws , i . e ., public policy , they generate much frustration and a certain escapism . Administrations ( local , regional , national , international ) are obliged to invest in this universal right , especially in its collective dimension . Perhaps then , and only then , can we call on societies to decide the countries and the future they want , not those imposed on them . We advocate two paths towards the social construction that memory represents . The first is a certain ethical disobedience , which is more necessary today than ever before , though always essential , and we pursue this through multiple channels . This magazine seeks to be a modest expression of that effort . The second path is the permanent integration of politics of memory into education . It cannot be repeated often enough : this must be implemented not as theory or public discourse but as concrete action . Pedagogically and inherently , education should be present in every
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