5 . Public memory policies often create tools and spaces to help shape and strengthen civic values based on past struggles . But have these spaces fulfilled their purpose in such a digital , changing and diverse world ? Should memorials be spaces for preventing democratic crises and possible rises of the extreme right ?
A number of European countries are exemplary in this area . I am thinking of Germany and France in particular . Yes , memory policies have created a large number of instruments ( especially commemorations ) and memorials . However , in these very countries , we have witnessed the rebirth of an extreme right that sometimes aligns itself with Nazism . And above all , social networks divide society and disseminate hate speech and “ fake ” histories at great speed . It might be worse without public policies !
6 . Based on your experience , do you believe a genuine interaction between memory and citizenship , academia and political institutions is possible ?
At least that is what is attempted in democracies . But the “ goodies ” aren ’ t on one side – that is , academics , the teaching world , political institutions –, and “ baddies ” – racists , anti-Semites and haters – on the other . There is a certain porosity between these stakeholders . And we have seen , with Poland and Hungary , how judicial or political institutions could topple . In Poland , our fellow historians – I am thinking of Barbara Engelking and Jan Grabowski in particular –, who have carried out considerable
7 . In September 2019 , the European Parliament adopted the resolution on “ The importance of European historical memory for the future of Europe ” ( 2019 / 2819 ( RSP ), a text which sparked great controversy , in particular between Western European memorial associations and academia because of the assimilation it makes between Nazism and Communism . What is your opinion on this subject ?
Political resolutions , even European ones , do not intend to write history . When I vote for a member of parliament , whether French or European , or for the French President , I do not expect them to deal with history ! Absolutely not ! We have come up against this problem in France with memory laws . Putting Nazism and Communism on the same footing in the declaration disregards history . It is asserted that the German-Soviet Pact of 23 August 1939 was the root cause of the war . This is nonsense . Any secondary school student who has studied the march to war knows that this was one of Hitler ’ s goals and that it stemmed from the Nazi plan for the conquest of “ living space ” and world dominion . Generally speaking , the writing of history is only a matter of democracy because it requires freedom and access to archives , which is generally a matter of law . Yes , it is important that organisations dedicated to history and memory , such as the Memorial in Russia , are able to work . That ’ s not the case today . I also notice that in certain countries with former popular democracies – I am thinking of Poland and Hungary – the denunciation of communist crimes is accompanied by anti-Semitism . historical work on the past of their countries , have just been taken to court for one of their books . Luckily , they won their appeal . While we believed that Poland had faced its past , that it had eradicated anti-Semitism , we have seen that this was not the case . But the work undertaken cannot be completely erased .
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Observing Memories Issue 5