these measures are traditionally used to quantify pacifist sentiments . The results were very clear . As they left the exhibition , the visitors ’ support for pacifism had waned and in nationalistic stereotypes had grown ; most of them expressed a determination to fight the Germans . Instead of the intended focus on pacifism and European coexistence , the exhibition ’ s depiction of raw emotions and the figures of victims provoked a defensive reaction and a form of desire for vengeance against the “ Other ”, here mainly the Germans 2 .
Even though empirical studies of social appropriations of memory policies like this one are still rare , the few that have been published raise important questions about how memory policies ( both in Europe and beyond ) might move forward 3 . It also suggests that the European Commission should order an in-depth and innovative sociological study on the social appropriations of remembrance policies and initiatives by ordinary citizens , ranging from rejection to support . If memory has become a European democratic value , it is nonetheless impossible to know for sure what kind of values and political positions it induces . For example , the existing ( and again far too scarce ) empirical research on historical analogies has shown that the very same memory policies can inspire opposing views of the present and incite different behaviours . The controversies on how to make sense of the current “ migration crisis ” in Europe in the light of the Holocaust may be the best example of this phenomenon . Studies have shown that it is easier to reinforce norms in groups that are already predisposed to them than to convince people who are genuinely intolerant or simply indifferent . In this way , rather than transmitting values , memory policies first of all actualize values which preexist in people ’ s minds , no matter how diverse they are . Even though it may seem paradoxical , it is important to acknowledge that an effective memory policy may have to take the risk of creating misunderstandings , and that for this reason it should not be excessively didactic .
What is more , several studies conducted in European countries such as Sweden and France have highlighted the fact that an increase in historical knowledge about the Holocaust has not produced a change in attitudes among students who consider themselves close to the extreme right . First , many of these students already have an extensive knowledge of the period they glorify . Second , encountering lessons on the past at school does little to change their convictions ; in fact , memory policies and commemorations tend to reinforce their extreme opinions 4 .
2 Bouchat , P ., Klein , O . & Rosoux , V . ( 2017 ). L ’ impact paradoxal des commémorations de la Grande Guerre . Matériaux pour l ’ histoire de notre temps , 121-122 , 26-31 . 3 For more examples , see Sarah Gensburger and Sandrine Lefranc , Beyond Memory . Can we really learn from the past ?, Palgrave , Memory Studies Series , 2020 . 4 Eckmann , M . & Eser Davolio , M . ( 2002 ). Pédagogie de l ’ antiracisme : Aspects théoriques et supports pratiques . Geneva : Loisirs et Pédagogie .
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