Observing Memories Issue 3 | Page 51

as an extension of their struggle at national levels guard’ who had come into politics during the regime to impose their view of communism, expose their changes, while a third group comprised peripheral opponents, or send a signal to Russia. However, most actors who had begun their European careers with of these politicians were rather marginal members little political experience. Their respective political of the PACE and the EP when they entered these resources entailed different ways of approaching assemblies, and some of them were aware of the their European term of office, while the importance wide gap between their strong political capital at they attached to their European mandate, depending home and their relative insignificance in European on the point in their career at which it occurred, arenas. The new representatives from the former defined their commitment to the anti-communist Eastern bloc had to absorb the rules of the European cause. Only the representatives initially equipped parliamentary game in order to fully assume with considerable resources, such as well-known their role in the European assemblies. To acquire former dissidents, or those combining strong institutional credit and to influence parliamentary national political capital and relevant European work, specific know-how was needed, such as the expertise, managed to achieve re-election as MEPs. capacity to build coalitions, the ability to present This circumstance shows that the mobilisation of admissible arguments and the willingness to comply memory as a source of political capital is insufficient with legitimate rules of interaction. on its own; a contender wishing to make their This initial marginal status was actually one of the driving forces of a project designed simultaneously to strengthen individual positions mark on the European stage must also possess the requisite political skills. Second, the rationale of European-level political within European assemblies and to reshape European debates and policies for managing painful pasts historical memory. Anti-communist mobilisations diluted the anti-communist cause into a broader were a trial-and-error process characterised condemnation of all types of dictatorships that by a series of struggles and compromises with befell Europe in the twentieth century. The rules of dominant Western conservative allies and left-wing European political competition entail attempts to opponents. The memory entrepreneurs’ gradual mitigate ideological conflicts and to denationalise mastery of European roles, acquired i.a. through issues, in order to build broad coalitions across their engagement in the anti-communist cause, parliamentary groups and national delegations. exemplifies a broader process of professionalisation But anti-communist representatives, who of the newly elected PACE and EP members. overwhelmingly belonged to the Europe’s People European assemblies were therefore an echo Party, faced fierce ideological opposition from their chamber for demands, related as much to the peers in the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and memory entrepreneurs’ militant backgrounds and Democrats and in the European United Left. In 2008, their political affiliations as to their decision to the Social Democrats even set up a History Working embark on a European career. Group at the EP with the explicit goal of ‘countering The analysis of this unlikely mobilisation provides three main insights into the politics and policies of the European memory. First, despite their geographical and any attempts to rewrite history’. Anti-communist memory entrepreneurs were also forced to adjust their claims to the normative beliefs that underpin the existing EU policies for ideological homogeneity, anti-communist memory managing painful pasts. Their demands were at odds entrepreneurs present different sociopolitical with the patterns of remembrance established in profiles depending on their previous national and the West in the 1970s and consecrated by the EU in European political trajectories. Some of them were the 1990s. Their request for the acknowledgement former leaders of the opposition to communism, of their own suffering, in their view wrongfully others belonged to an ‘anti-communist young ignored, was at odds with the ‘politics of regret’ EUROPE INSIGHT 49