Observing Memories Issue 2 | Page 41

or administrative regulations outside the national framework (2). I would hypothesize instead that what we are seeing is in fact an intensification of partisan memory games in a context where those responsible for violence, in what were once firmly closed national frameworks, are increasingly likely to be called to legal account and criminalized as those frameworks break apart. It is not only in France that historians have felt the need to oppose state moves to define and manage history, though it is in France that they have organized massively in associations to defend the freedom to practice the profession of historian or to monitor political uses of history and memory. The need for such associations also became clear in another case when the Russian powers- that-be decided they could not leave Russian history to Russian historians, but instead had to keep a close eye on the country’s image abroad and counter any efforts to debase it themselves. In May 2009, in response to EU and Council of Europe initiatives to establish a kind of official symbolic equivalency between Stalinism (perhaps communism) and Nazism—the European Parliament had decreed August 23 the “European Day of Remembrance for Stalin and Ribbentrop after the signature of the Soviet-Nazi German pact. August 23, 1939 | ADN-ZB/Archiv Victims of Stalinism and Nazism”—then-President Dimitri Medvedev declared that history was an attribute of national “sovereignty”. Just before the seventieth anniversary of the German-Soviet Non- aggression Pact and the start of the Second World War, which the EU was preparing to commemorate, Medvedev declared, “You cannot call something black something that is white, you cannot accuse a defender of being an aggressor”. This remark was swiftly followed by the founding of the Presidential Commission of the Russian Federation to Counter Attempts to Falsify History to the Detriment of Russia’s Interests. A considerable number of Russian historians protested against the pressure they expected the new monitoring authority to exert under the pretense of “tracking down and countering erroneous interpretations of history abroad” and how it would officialise arbitrary political censorship. The fact is that in a growing number of societies the state intrudes massively in the field of history. EUROPE INSIGHT 39