NYU Black Renaissance Noire Volume 18 Issue 1 - Winter 2018 - Page 136

Assegnazione con De Seingalt XII , 2017 Found antique engravings , digital images , maps , various papers , lithography , chine collé , 20.75 ” by 17 ” published at sharks ink , lyons , co
Assegnazione con De Seingalt XIV , 2017 Found antique engravings , digital images , maps , various papers , lithography , chine collé , 20.75 ” by 17 ” published at sharks ink , lyons , co
What is White supremacy? What are its relationships to White-Americans’ privileges and power? What are the symbols of White supremacy, and how do America’s institutional structures support and perpetuate them? Why is it consequential? And more importantly, why should it be defended? White supremacy is much more than accepted beliefs in the cultural and intellectual superiority of a dominant White race over ethnic, religious and racial minorities. Beliefs by themselves are wholly inconsequential. When added to the monopoly over the use of violence, à la Max Weber, however, White supremacists’ beliefs codification into laws enforced by purposefully constructed institutions, such as law enforcement, the criminal justice systems, and the prison industrial complex, can be utilized as efficacious instruments for preserving and perpetuating interests concomitant with White identity. In the historiography of America, White identity has evolved to mean: • Th  e need not to use the hyphened American after White because White equals Americans. The fact that the only people who should not have the hyphen are Natives is at worst ignored and at best, overlooked. • W  hite-Americans can find positive role models depicted on tv, in newspapers, and as celebrated heroes on most of our national holidays. • W  hite-Americans attend colleges or professional schools and find that most professors look like themselves, and most of the curricula reflect their cultural history and backgrounds. 4 • W  hite-Americans enjoy greater ac- cess to financial institutions, when compared to ethnic and racial minorities. For example, many African Americans were denied home loans or steered into the sub-prime markets where many loss their homes to foreclosures, during the 2007 financial crisis. Examples abound in which American institutions have and are utilized to enforce and perpetuate African Americans’ marginalization. These include the Constitution’s Articles i and iv, which reduced enslaved Africans to 3/5-personage and required states in the Union to return runaway slaves. In the modern era, this includes the majority of juries and criminal courts proceedings being conducted under the supervision of a majority of White-American judges, who have regularly exonerated White-American police officers, who routinely violate the legal rights and have taken the lives of African Americans. This should not be surprising given the findings of John Paul Wilson et al. research published in the American Psychological Association’s Journal Personality and Social Psychology. Wilson et al. found that when Black men are compared to White men, White-Americans tend to believe that Black men are bigger and more menacing, therefore, the use of (deadly) force against them is justified. While most White-Americans do not believe they possess White privileges and power, nevertheless, the latter is the cornerstone on which White supremacy rests. White-American privileges and power operational structures that are embedded in its institutions are analogous to Adam Smith’s conception of the invisible hand where the force mediating interactions of individuals in the financial and exchange sectors is the market freed from aristocratic mercantile controls. For most White-Americans, their automatic privileges and power — like gravity — are invisible but assert themselves and are protected by our nation’s governmental institutions. Recently, the conservative and liberal media have focused our attentions on the Jim Crow symbols of White supremacy. These blatant symbols of White supremacy and their supporters are served up for public consumption as the driving forces behind contemporary racism. Thes 嵉́ɔՅ)ѕȁՉɭ́хє)ͱѥٔѽ́ѡɵ́)хѕ́ɕٕɕ]єݡ)՝Ёѡ]ȁ9ѡɸ)ɕͥQ͔хѕ́ȁ)Ս́ѡЁЁɕͥЁ)ѡ ɅєMхѕ́ɥ))ͽ٥̰́х䁱)Ս́Ʌ́IЁ1)ѡՍٕQ́)ѡ+qMѽ݅t)ͽ) ͕مѥٕ̰Ս́Aɥ) Ս͠Ѽѡ͔ɱ)ٽѕ́MхєḬՑ)ɕЁ͡Ѽɥe)ѽɥɅ丁QЁ́ѡɽ)ѡЁ䁽ɥéɽ)չѡ́ݕɔͱٕ̰) ɥѽȁ յ́͡ձ)ɝݥѠɥ́Ёյ)QɅ͍́)ѕѥѼѡ͔͡հѡ̰)ፕЁѼոЁAɕͥЁQյ)́хé嵹ѥٕ)ѼɅѥ锁䁽ٕ́)ɕɭ́ɕɑѡ́ɥ饹Ք) Ёѡ͔ɕٕѥ́Ё)չѡ́ յ́ɔ)Ёܸ]ѡ Aѡ)A䁱ɔѡ͔ѡ́ɥ)ѡ ٥ÍɄ(ȁ!ٕ)ɅѡѡЁɽ)ѥѕɽɥЁɝѥѡ)չ䰁ѡձɍ)ѥéѕ݅́չ͡)ѡ)=ٕȀ啅́ѕȰ䁽ѡ)ѥ̃Pх䰁ѡ)ɕձȁ٥ѥɥɥϊd)ɥ̰]єɥ)䁽ٕȁѡɕͽɍ́ѡ)хєPѡAѡ́Ʌ)ѥиɝՅ䰁ѡѕɅ)ɥѽȁѡAѡϊdٽ)ȁՅɥ̰ѡ 1ٕ)5ѕȁٕа́ɕձɱ䁅х)́չɥѥɽ̸)=ɥѕȁݕЁ́ȁ́Ѽͅѡ) 1ٕ́5ѕȃq́ѡ)٥́ɅЁٕЁѡ́չ)͕́ͥѡ-ԁ--)́呅̻tQ́ɕɬѡ)ɕѕɥѕȁ٥!ɽݥ)Aɥ Սéѥ)͔]єɕ䁥+q%]Ʌ͔=ȁ!ѽ䰁]ɔ)]tɕٕɽՉɅѥٔ)ѡЁѥՕ́ѼչЁɥ)QЁ̰]єɥ́)ѡЁɐѽɥ)ɕЁхѕ́ЁѼ͍ɐ)Ёɽѡɽ́ѡ)Ёѥեѥѡ)Ʌ镐́ЁѼͥ)ѡȁɥѥ́ݥѡЁ䁙ȁѡ)ɕхѥ́ȁ嵕Ёɽ)ѥٕ䁥ѕѡ)хյՕѥ)\ ̰ѡչɕ镐)չȁѡ͍M)ɕѡЁѡ́ɽՉ)Ʌѥٔѡ́]є)ɥ٥́ݕȁݡɽє+q]ݥȁѥѽѕ)́ͽ́՝ѕ́ѡЁѡѠ)ѼՍ́́٥ݡєt)ٕѡɥ́ݡѕ̰)ݡ͡ձeЁѡ́]є)ѥ䁑ѡȁɅ镐ɥ٥)ݕѕȁ$ݽձ)<=Q8=QL($輽ܹ͕ݽɱ݅ɡѽ乍ݽɱ)݅ȴȵхѥѥ̹($輽ܹɅեѽ̹ɜɕͽɍ̼)ݕ}ɥ٥($輽х̈́ɽܵɬ($輽ܹɅեѽ̹ɜɕͽɍ̼)ݕ}ɥ٥)%ɄݡɔՍѥՍ)ɽ٥́ѡ́ЁѡɅ́)ͽՅ䰁ٕ䰁ѥ)፱ͥ́ѼՅ䁕Սѥ)չ䁥͕́Օѥ%)ѽɥ͍̰ɥ)9ѥٔ!ɥ́)Ёٔ́ѼՅѕ̰)ɥɽ́ɥձݕ)хɝѕՍѥЁ͕٥)ѼȁѕЁ͍ɕ̰ɽٕ)ՑЁɹэ̰ѕ)ɕɕ́ȁݽɬ)%ɕͥ䰁ѡѕȁ́Ѽѡ)፱ͥٔɕ͕ٕ́]єɥ)ɥ͍ɥ͕ٕ́́Ѽ)ɴѡȁɥɥѼɅ)ѡɥѥ̸Qɔ́ѡ)хѡəɵ)ɥéѽɥ䁑͕͕)ɥձѥ̰͔ѡ)ɕЁѡэ͕́ձ)Սѕɥѥѥ)ͥѼɽѕЁՅє)]єɕ丁Qͅ)ɥфѼѥ䁽)፱ͥɅɥѥ́ɽ)ȁѥéɕ́)Ѽ͍ɔɥéѥѥ)͕́ѡȁɽ́ѥ)]єɕ)Qɐєѡ) ɽܰ)ѡэ ɽݸ Q) ɐՍѥȁ!ͥ)ЁఁɅ͕ɕѥͥ)ɥɡ̰͍̰)́ݽ͡Q9܁eɬ) 䀡ɅѽѡUѕ)Mхѕ̤͍ѕՙ́ɽ)Ʌ͕ɕѥݡɔɥ)!ɥՑ́ɔ)Ѽ䁽ѡ e)չȵəɵ͍ɥ̸)ɥ5܁́ɕ)9܁eɬ 5Ȱ ͥ)չ͕ѡ չ٥ )ͥѥ͕ɕѥ)]ݕɥՕѥɕɑ)ՍѥɅ͕ɕѥ5) ͥɕq]Ё)ѡͥɕ䁽ͥ9)eɬ 今w 5 ͥéɕ͔)݅ ɥͥȁѼѡЁѡ)9܁eɬ M Ȱ)])͕ݡݡͭ)͕ɕѥѡ9܁eɬ )Չ͍ѕаݕɕ+qmuٔɅ͕ɕѥɔP)ӊéхw