All the while, Local 24 had a contract pending and had offered
givebacks with increased healthcare contributions, step exten-
sions, freezing shift differential and longevity, among other con-
cessions. Even when the city wanted more, Local 24 offered more
and as the tab topped $1 million, Bennett experienced an awak-
ening, a rude one at that:
“They could never tell us a number because they never had
one,” he recalls. “It was just more. We would say, ‘yes,’ but it was
like we were playing football and they kept moving the goal posts
back.”
Most Local 24 members confirmed that the initial givebacks
were a matter of doing the right thing. As Rogers notes, “With four
casinos closing, we knew we couldn’t keep getting paid with no
questions asked.” And the city actually had a contract in hand.
“We kept waiting for them to sign it,” said Sergeant T.J. Moyni-
han, the previous Local 24 president who gave way to Rogers
when he was promoted. “But it just sat and sat until the takeover
came.”
In the meantime, Bennett adds that rumors circulating to the
officers and to the public blaming law enforcement for AC’s prob-
lems beat up morale. And even though the sting of the takeover
hit a low point, there still seemed to be a bit of a bright side.
“We didn’t think things could get worse,” Bennett discloses.
Stronghold
It got worse.
Believe it or not, it got worse than the department staffing go-
ing from 375 to 330 down to 268 full-time officers. It got worse
than what 20-year veteran officer Bill Tracy experienced. He be-
lieved the union had agreed to a 5-percent pay cut, only to see his
annual salary take a $36,000 hit.
“Even if you get another full-time job, you still can’t make that
up,” Tracy laments.
Before the personnel cuts took effect, the department need-
ed sergeants. Those who moved up believed they were doing so
with a pay raise. They even waited as much as a year for the raise
to kick in, consoled by the thought of retroactive pay. But when
the takeover came, the retro pay was nowhere to be found. And
with pay cuts, many were making less than they did before they
became supervisors.
“Guys promoted to be frontline supervisor in these conditions
is rough enough,” Rogers empathizes.
It got rougher.
Officers who spent thousands of dollars on test prep courses
and then scored high enough on the tests to earn promotions lost
that once-in-a-lifetime opportunity when the takeover took pro-
motions out of Civil Service. According to Rogers, the promotion
process became an interview with the state-hired police depart-
ment monitor, who asked if candidates agreed with what he had
done since coming in.
“It became all about political connections,” Rogers continues.
“They skipped over six people with no questions asked.”
“Bypassed for people on the bottom,” Moynihan corroborated.
“Because they can.”
Vacation time was reduced or even rescinded. Work periods
went up to 86 hours every two weeks before overtime can take
effect.
Another big hurt came with taking away sick leave and the re-
duction of disability pay to 70 percent of full salary. Imagine that
impact on an officer going into a high-risk situation.
“Not only are you thinking about staying alive, you’re thinking
about what happens to my family if I get hurt,” Moynihan com-
ments. “It’s a double-whammy.”
Finally, because collective bargaining and Civil Service were
gone, officers were being disciplined or even terminated with no
recourse to challenge. There wasn’t even an opportunity to ap-
CONTINUED ON PAGE 32
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