Military Review English Edition November December 2016 | Page 12

The Crisis of National Identity Samuel P. Huntington Editor’s note: The following article is a chapter extract from Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity (2005) by Samuel P. Huntington. © 2004 by Samuel P. Huntington. It is used by permission of the publisher, Simon & Schuster. Salience: Are the Flags Still There? Charles Street, the principal thoroughfare on Boston’s Beacon Hill, is a comfortable street bordered by four-story brick buildings with apartments above antique stores and other shops on the ground level. At one time on one block American flags regularly hung over the entrances to the United States Post Office and the liquor store. Then the Post Office stopped displaying the flag, and on September 11, 2001, the liquor store flag flew alone. Two weeks later seventeen flags flew on this block, in addition to a huge Stars Samuel P. Huntington and Stripes suspended (1927–2008) was the across the street a short Albert J. Weatherhead III distance away. With University Professor their country under at Harvard University, attack, Charles Street where he was also the denizens rediscovered director of the John M. their nation and identiOlin Institute for Stategic fied themselves with it. Studies and the chairman In their surge of of the Harvard Academy patriotism, Charles for International and Streeters were at one Area Studies. He was with people throughout the director of security America. Since the Civil planning for the National War, Americans have Security Council in the been a flag-oriented Carter administration, people. The Stars and the founder and coedStripes has the status of itor of Foreign Policy, a religious icon and is and the president of a more central symbol the American Political of national identity for Science Association. Americans than their 10 flags are for peoples of other nations. Probably never in the past, however, was the flag as omnipresent as it was after September 11. It was everywhere: homes, businesses, automobiles, clothes, furniture, windows, storefronts, lampposts, telephone poles. In early October, 80 percent of Americans said they were displaying the flag, 63 percent at home, 29 percent on clothes, 28 percent on cars.1 Wal-Mart reportedly sold 116,000 flags on September 11 and 250,000 the next day, “compared with 6,400 and 10,000 on the same days a year earlier.” The demand for flags was ten times what it had been during the Gulf War; flag manufacturers went overtime and doubled, tripled, or quintupled production.2 The flags were physical evidence of the sudden and dramatic rise in the salience of national identity for Americans compared to their other identities, a transformation exemplified by the comment on October 1 of one young woman: When I was 19, I moved to New York City. . . . If you asked me to describe myself then, I would have told you I was a musician, a poet, an artist and, on a somewhat political level, a woman, a lesbian and a Jew. Being an American wouldn’t have made my list. [In my college class Gender and Economics my] girlfriend and I were so frustrated by inequality in America that we discussed moving to another country. On Sept. 11, all that changed. I realized that I had been taking the freedoms I have here for granted. Now I have an American flag on my backpack, I cheer at the fighter jets as they pass overhead and I am calling myself a patriot.3 Rachel Newman’s words reflect the low salience of national identity for some Americans before September 11. Among some educated and elite Americans, national identity seemed at times to have November-December 2016  MILITARY REVIEW