Middle East Media and Book Reviews Online Volume 1, Issue 1 | Page 2
2/2/2016
Middle East Media and Book Reviews Online
employs a litany of secondary work from credible scholars to painstakingly outline Iran’s extensive history of domestic turmoil and foreign
manipulation. While interpretations of privatization are important, Iran’s recent history is perhaps the greatest contributor to their “reluctance.” He
first focuses domestically on political fractionalization. This century-old plague on Iranian politics has resulted in political splintering that has given
minority groups the potential for absolute rule. Fractionalization, along with the Shah’s cozy relationship with the West, he argues, was responsible
for the Shah’s prolonged centralized and oppressive regime. This is a fundamental reality that spurred anti-U.S. sentiment and nationalism, which
“proved to be critical ingredients in the appeal of the anti-Shah forces in the late 1970s” (p. 52). Molavi also underscores the CIA-led overthrow of
Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953 as an event that would later embolden Khomeini’s supporters and, for the most part, undo what was
left of pro-U.S. sentiment. Referencing Ervand Abrahamian’s Khomeninism, Molavi goes on to recount the Ayatollah’s convincing populist
rhetoric that took sway over the country. Khomeini almost immediately took a position of absolute rule and, as the story goes, Iranian society did
not realize the oppressive state that was upon them until too late. In the midst of his historical narrative, Molavi highlights two important factors.
First, the Council of Guardians—the supremely appointed committee charged with ensuring all state decisions and political appointees are
compatible with Islamic law— and second, the varying interpretations of Shi‘ism that fosters further fractionalization. These two characteristics of
the Islamic State highlight the difficulty facing the Iranian government in reconciling absolute control with privatization. Molavi’s comprehensive
retelling does not introduce new information, but instead, summarizes the circumstances leading to the Islamic State’s reluctance to privatize.
Molavi begins his descent describing a country in a state of economic turmoil, in desperate need of modernization, and concludes his monograph
with a range of his own assessments on Iran’s way forward. He first reminds readers there are models to emulate that could lessen the chances of
damaging fluctuations associated with privatization. Furthermore, restructuring state-owned companies is a must even in the face of enormous
corruption and efficiencies. The Council of Guardians, in particular, with their rigid control measures remains a serious barrier to essential
economic development. Most importantly, Iran is in need of foreign investment, but the only countries able to provide the sizable investments
necessary are tied to current sanctions. All this said, Molavi believes Iran “will continue to be sensitive to global issues, since elasticity of its oil
revenues is linked to its awareness of, and connection to, the global system” (p. 180). Therefore, he finishes where he starting, claiming it is not
whether privatization will happen, but more about “a matter of pace and extent” (p. 182).
For his part, Molavi uses incredible detail and clarity in assessing the political will. His conclusions are honest and realistic. The considerable use of
oral evidence is particularly interesting. Molavi is sensitive to accuracy, but cognizant of restricted candor among officials. He deserves enormous
credit for such balanced interpretations after navigating those waters. His chosen recursive organization, however, may be the only drawback to an
otherwise splendid publication. At times, it reads as occasional pieces pulled together to form a book. Redundancies can be helpful, but clearer
transitions are absolutely essential with such an approach. All in all, Molavi’s broad approach has given scholars the foundation from which to
forge specialized studies on oil culture and political will.
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