McGill Journal of Political Studies 2014 April, 2014 | Page 64

hopes of regaining their past ruler status but also of their national identity, as their linkages with the political center were severed4.” The establishment of British rule and the subsequent rise of Hindu power in the Indian subcontinent in the late 1800s made Indian Muslims increasingly aware of their status as a numerical minority, and also of Islam’s declining political and cultural power in the region5.” This sentiment then provoked a sense of nationalism among Indian Muslims: “In their view, Hindus and Muslims were not merely followers of different religions but members of two different communities or nations. This belief formed the crux of the so-called ‘two-nation theory,’” in which an independent Muslim homeland was needed to separate the Muslims from ‘Hindu India6.’ The Pakistan movement “was aided by the acceptance of the demand of the Muslims as a religious minority7.” Muslim nationalism began to grow in parts of the colonial subcontinent where Muslims made up the minority and faced social, economic and political marginalization. The All-India Muslim League was created in 1906 to safeguard Muslim interests8, and was the political party that was ultimately responsible for the creation of Pakistan. It comprised of an “elitist group of the aristocratic Muslim families predominantly from Muslim minority provinces of India (Uttar Pradesh and Bombay),” and was headed by Muhammad Ali Jinnah9. The Pakistan movement did not gain momentum Assaf Hussain, “Ethnicity, National Identity and Praetorianism: The Case of Pakistan,” Asian Survey, vol. 16, no. 10 (October, 1976): 22. 5 Aparna Pande, “Islam in the National Story of Pakistan,” Current Trends in Islamic Ideology, vol. 12 (October, 2011): 37. 6 Ibid., 38. 7 Rasul Rais, “Identity Politics and Minorities in Pakistan,” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. 30, no. 1 (April, 2007): 113. 8 Pande, “Islam in the National Story,” 32. 9 Adeel Khan, “Ethnicity, Islam and National Identity in Pakistan.,” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. 22, no. 1 (1999): 69. 4 64 | McGill Journal of Political Studies 2014 until 1946, just a year before independence, which is when it started gaining support from the Muslims in Muslim majority provinces such as Punjab, the North West Frontier Province, Sindh, Balochistan and Bengal, all of which would later come together to form the country of Pakistan. It is also important to note that the demand for Pakistan was based on a secular ideology. As Khan notes, the demand grew out of an economic threat from the Hindu majority, rather than one based on religious differences10. Moreover, “the Pakistan movement was not a movement of Islam but of Muslims11.” Even before the formation of Pakistan, the use and manipulation of religious symbolism was a handy tool in mobilizing the Muslim masses, and is a practice that is still present today. Due to the enormous cultural, ethnic, and linguistic differences among the Muslim populations living in the various provinces of British India, the Muslim League’s campaign strategy to win support emphasized the idea of the Two-Nation Theory: the separateness of the Muslim and Hindu nations. After poor performance in prior elections, the League began using Islamic slogans and symbols to mobilize electoral support for the 1946 elections12 and raise consciousness of a common religious identity that would replace ethnic identity. Following the creation of Pakistan in 1947, “the political elites of Pakistan believed that Islam had saved Muslims from Hindu domination and given them a national identity13.” As a result, Pakistan consisted of a wide variety of ethnic and linguistic groups and subgroups which had very little in common apart from a shared Ibid., 168. Hamza Alavi, “Ethnicity, Muslim Society and the Pakistan Ideology,” In Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan: The Application of Islamic Laws in a Modern State, ed. Anita M. Weiss (Syracuse University Press, 1986), 22. 12 Pande, “Islam in the National Story,” 39-40. 13 Hussain, “Ethnicity, National Identity and Praetorianism,” 923. 10 11 Muslim identity14. Once Pakistan came into being, identity based on faith lost its rallying power because Muslims were not being relegated due to their faith in the new homeland. In a Muslim majority country characterized by various ethnicities and languages, the commonality of religion was not enough to unite distinct ethno-linguistic identities post-independence. The political leadership tried to integrate these groups into a national community by supplementing Islam with coercive tactics whenever the issue of ethnicity arose. The creation of the Pakistani nation did not develop from below from the societal roots or nationalist movements, but rather was developed from above; the State was created first, which then generated the nation it desired15. The political leaders expected too much of Islam when they used it as the only integrative determinant of national identity, and their failure to properly integrate multi-ethnic identities throu v