McGill Journal of Political Studies 2014 April, 2014 | Page 28

Contemporary Politics: the Beginning
of Canadian Federal Success and Italian
Unitary Demise
Although pre-institutional variables
can determine whether a country will
experience
secessionist
movements,
institutions are not neutral and the design
and operation of either a federal or unitary
system will have profound effects on how
language and regional divisions play out in
national politics53. Consequently, Italy today
is experiencing regional dissatisfaction
imbedded in the context of overall political
discontent. In contrast, years of negotiation
and compromise at the Canadian federal
and provincial levels have culminated in
a degree of success in diffusing Quebec
regional tensions. These more recent finding
suggest that federalism, with time, can
not only be successful in accommodating
subnational groups but also provide the best
institutional framework for the success of
modern day democracies.
Federal system is dynamic and robust
providing a foundation for citizens and
governments to engage in and change
th eir relationships with one another. As a
consequence, electorally, Quebec sovereignty
aspirations have waned. In the 2008 Quebec
election, the federalist Quebec Liberal Party
captured its third consecutive mandate, at
the expense of the PQ, who in the 2007
provincial election suffered its worst defeat
in 34 years. Following this defeat, the PQ
openly acknowledged its lack of appeal and
has since rebranded its strategy and image,
but to little success54. In 2006, Canadian
Prime Minister Stephen Harper tabled the
parliamentary motion formally recognizing
that “the Québécois form a nation within
a united Canada55.” In 2009, polling data
Bélanger, 35.
Nadine Changfoot, Why is Quebec Separatism off
the Agenda? Reducing National Unity Crisis in the
Neoliberal Era. (Canadian Journal of Political Science,
2011) 769-770.
55
Official Report (Hansard). (House of Commons
Debates, 2006) Web.
53
54

28 | McGill Journal of Political Studies 2014

by Angus Reid showed that support for
Quebec separation was weak, based on an
online survey that posed a question similar
to that of the 1995 referendum. This data
showed that 34 per cent of Quebecers
would vote “yes,” 54 per cent would vote
“no,” and that 13 per cent are undecided56.
Although 79 per cent of Quebecers identify
at least one area they believe their province
should have more autonomy in, only 15 per
cent believe it is very likely Quebec will
one day separate from Canada57. According
to Nadine Changfoot, the development of
federalism in the context of the neoliberal
era in the 2000s has “created conditions for
just enough asymmetry in the relationship
between the federal government and
Quebec, something that Quebec has
historically demanded, for separatism to
remain off the agenda58.”
In Italy, despite the enthusiasm for
increased regional power, the region
remains a relatively weak administrative
unit compared to the municipalities and
provinces of the central state apparatus59.
It is clear that Italian regionalism is not
federalism, as constitutional entrenchment
of regional powers as well as their
representation at the national level, as in the
US Senate where each state is represented
by two senators, is not present60. In Italy,
while powers of the regions are theoretically
constitutionally entrenched, in practice,
they are very imprecise. The regions have
few areas of exclusive legislative power and
their financial autonomy from the center
is extremely modest. The devolution of
regional powers outlined in Article 117 is
Separation from Canada Unlikely for a Majority of
Quebecers. (Angus Reid Strategies, 2009) Web.
57
Ibid.
58
Changfoot, “Why is Quebec Separatism Off the
Agenda? Reducing National Unity Crisis in the
Neoliberal Era,” 771.
59
Hine, “Federalism, Regionalism and the Unitary
State: Contemporary Regional Pressures in Historical
Perspective,”114.
60
Hine, “Federalism, Regionalism and the Unitary
State: Contemporary Regional Pressures in Historical
Perspective,”113.
56

rather misleading, as they must legislate
in these areas within the basic framework
of legislation laid down by the national
unitary state. Considering the failure of
regional devolution to truly empower Italy’s
territories and the enduring high degree of
centralization within the state, it is surprising
that more powerful movements for regional
autonomy have not emerged throughout
Italy’s history. However, things seem to be
changing in contemporary Italian politics,
begging the question of whether Italy is
moving towards adopting a more federal
system such as that of Canada.
Is Italian Federalism Inevitable?
Contrary to unitary institutional
arrangements, federal structures allow
for a wider array of political actors and
participants, which enhances political
participation and better aligns human
needs with available resources61. The Italian
North-South regional tension has become
entwined with a more widespread frustration
with the inefficiency of the Italian state as a
whole. This growing political discontent is
illustrated by the “mani pulite” investigation
into political corruption in the 1990s, the
continued rise in support for the Lega
Nord, and the creation and election of
the Five Star Movement in 2009. These
events demonstrate that Italians are leaning
towards federal reform not primarily to
ensure protection for regional ethnic or
linguistic minorities, as in Canada, but to
ensure a better functioning of the state in
general in the provision of public goods and
services and the avoidance of corruption.
Proof of the failure of the Italian unitary
state can be seen in the growing support for
the Lega Nord, who in 2010 experienced
their largest electoral success since the party
was founded62. In the most recent 2013
Italian parliamentary elections, the Five
Sabetti, Types of Federalism: Achieving Self-Governing
Capabilities in Societies with Federal Potentials, 27.
62
Bull, “Ethnicity, Racism and the Northern League,”
180.
61

Star Movement garnered 25.55 per cent
of the overall vote representing the major
opposition party to the Grand coalition
government of Enrico Letta. Popular
activist, comedian, and blogger Beppe
Grillo, launched the movement in 2009
to voice growing political discontent. The
emergence of this party is not surprising
considering the years of sex scandals and
allegations of corruptions brought about
by Italy’s longest serving post-war prime
minister, media magnate, and one of the
country’s richest men, Silvio Berlusconi,
who was ejected from his seat in Senate
in November 2013 because of his recent
tax fraud conviction63. The support for the
Five Star Movement clearly reveals a level
of political discontent felt by Italians as it is
considered not to be a party but a populist,
anti-corruption, and anti-government
political reform movement.
Conclusion
Although pre-institutional factors, such
as common history and language, play a very
significant role in the expression of regional
secessionist movements, institutions are
not neutral and their design, whether
unitary or federal, can accommodate or
aggravate regionalism. However, federali sm
is at an advantage in that it introduces a
communitarian dimension of justice often
missing in unitary states64, an absence
which is thrown into sharp relief with
regard to the institutionalized corruption
within the unitary Italian state. Although
Italy’s unitary system appears to have
been successful in controlling regional
tensions through institutional devolution,
contemporary politics suggest that Italy’s
unitary state has fallen victim to corrupt
political actors leading citizens to demand
federalism as political reform. In Canada
today, federalism seems to be succeeding in
Profile: Silvio Berlusconi, Italian ex-prime minister.
(BBC, 2013) Web.
64
Cameron, The Paradox of Federalism: Some Practical
Reflections, 319.
63

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