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mation about restaurant inspection scores results in a slightly higher average number of sick consumers , but much less variability . Overall , as the number of restaurants complying with regulations increases , the number of sick consumers decreases .
Background
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Risks in the modern world are different . Whereas most hazards in the pre-industrial era were based on natural causes , there are now risks that are caused by the industrial advancement of society . These manufactured risks , as defined by Beck ( 1992 ) are “ a systematic way of dealing with hazards and insecurities induced and introduced by modernization itself " ( p . 2 ). Manufactured risks , such as the risks associated with nuclear power or widespread pollution from agricultural fertilizers , transcend the boundaries of individual households , regulatory jurisdictions , and nation-states . They are generally imperceptible and thus require expert assessment using the tools of modern science ; they are also prone to social constructions and definitions ( Beck , 1992 , p . 23 ). The consequences of manufactured risks are political in nature . In the risk society , societal interventions involving decision making and governance processes are what “ transform incalculable hazards into calculable risks ” ( Elliott , 2002 , p . 295 ). Societal intervention changes the nature of society itself , and thus further changes the nature of risk through a process known as reflexive modernization ( Beck , 1992 , p . 153 ).
Although concerns related to food safety are ancient ( Keusch , 2013 ), the role of science , technology , and scale in food production has arguably led to more uncertainty now in food systems than previously . Many of the key features of manufactured risks are applicable to foodborne disease . The concept of food risks as manufactured risks has been explored elsewhere ( Green , Draper , & Dowler , 2003 ), but will be expanded here . Manufactured risks are invisible , hidden in everyday life , and are only brought to our attention through the application of the tools of science ( Beck , 1992 , p . 21 ). For example , food that has been contaminated by bacteria generally looks , tastes , and smells completely normal ( Alberta Health , 2014 ). The invisibility of modern food risk means that consumers need assurance about the safety of food by inspection agencies . Because risks are invisible and require ‘ scientization ’ in order to be perceptible to individuals , it is often unclear whether exposure to the risk has increased , or whether public perception of it has become heightened ( Beck , 1992 , p . 55 ).
Some foodborne illnesses result from inappropriate handling or other problems at the final preparation stage . Recent work by Batz , Hoffman , and Morris ( 2011 ) indicates that 70 – 80 percent of outbreaks 1 from multi-ingredient dishes resulted from foods prepared outside the home ( p . 13 ). Such risks can be equalizing in a distributional sense — even those with money or power may not be able to avoid them . Food risks also have a ‘ boomerang effect ’ ( Beck , 1992 ) where even those who are producing the risks are afflicted by them . This is especially the case with food since we all need to eat ( p . 37 ).
1
The CDC ( 2014 ) defines a foodborne disease outbreak as ‘ an incident in which two or more persons experience a similar illness after ingestion of a common food , and epidemiologic analysis implicates the food as the source of the illness .’
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