When the “ Lone Wolf ” Hid the Herd : Deconstructing a Security Myth
the departures is not confined to the phenomenon of the suburbs . Hugo Micheron thus gives the example of eighty departures from Trappes for jihad , whereas the neighboring commune of Chanteloup-les-Vignes , which has exactly the same problems , has none . Lunel , a quiet town , has twenty-five departures , while the northern districts of Marseille have no departures to Syria . For Hugo Micheron , these two examples clearly contradict Olivier Roy ’ s sociological model of the Islamization of radicalism .
Hugo Micheron shows how puritanical Salafist precepts ( refusal of co-education , sober clothing , food without pork or alcohol ) lead in the mind of his follower to an impossible contradiction between young people and their local , professional , friendly , and family environment , as shown by the itinerary of the Clain brothers and their family converts in 1999 . The only escape for these young Salafists is the creation of Salafist community enclaves in a neighborhood on the model of Peshawar in Pakistan , the refugee camp of Ain al-Houeh in Lebanon , the Londonistan of Finsbury Park , Molenbeek in Brussels , or a village enclaved in a mountain ( Gornja Maoca in Bosnia ). France has experienced this phenomenon in the heart of the French suburbs in the Izards or Mirail neighborhood in Toulouse or in rural areas in Artigat in the Ariège where the Muslim Brother of Hama , Olivier Corel , a refugee for political reasons , officiates . Artigat has been a nursery of jihadists from Toulouse for the Clain brothers ; Sabri Essid , mentor of Mohamed Merah and Thomas Barnouin , ideologue of the jihadists from Toulouse , regularly visits Lunel .
Members of the GIA , sometimes-former jihadists from Afghanistan and Bosnia , amnestied by Bouteflika in 1999 , took refuge in France for political reasons and settled in Trappes , Strasbourg , Roubaix , and Toulouse . As a result of their sermons in mosques or in religious seminaries , they manage to make jihadist emulators about fifteen years later . The Clain and Sabri Essid formed by frequenting Chadli , one of these members of the GIA , before moving on to religious proselytizing : they went door-to-door , sold Islamic products on the markets , handed out recorded a cappela religious songs ( Anashid ), multiplied injunctions to prayer and the practice of Ramadan , and made contact with young people through sports and free snacks . The September 11 , 2001 attacks provoked a shock and a massive return to religion among young Muslims , which the Clain brothers took advantage of to spread their fundamentalist conception of Islam . In the neighborhoods , this return to religion in its fundamentalist character is seen by the multiplication of veiled women , Islamic bookstores , halal snacks , and the construction of new mosques . During the beginning of the 2000s , young people living in the Salafist enclaves devoted themselves to perfecting their religious training in Cairo or Molenbeek . Taking advantage of the riots in the suburbs in 2005 , the Clain brothers identified the struggle of Muslims in the suburbs with that of the Palestinians against Israel or the Iraqis against the American presence . Between 2004 and
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