International Journal on Criminology Volume 7, Number 2, Spring 2020 | Page 123

International Journal on Criminology was imposed in certain places. It is also significant that Bernard Stasi and Alain Touraine, who were initially opposed to the idea of a law, changed their minds after hearing the testimony with which they were presented. But the author does not mention this, denying or reducing the specific nature of political Islam to the imaginary, fantastical construct of an “ideology of withdrawal, of which the fear of Islam constitutes the driving force” (Geisser 2003, 22). As we see, and will focus on in more detail, the anti-Islamophobic analysis in fact poorly conceals a sociologist anthropocentrism that does not study the motivations of actors when they are hostile to the democratic system, as these are immediately presented—presumptively, paradigmatically, and condescendingly— as the reactions of victims to a specific rejection (although one experienced by previous immigrants). They are not considered as strategic elements of a political and tactical desire to reject the changes brought by modernity to the traditional relations between the sexes and statuses. * For now, and more generally, let us note that in many sociological analyses of the issues of integration, their specifically political aspect is overlooked, in particular concerning certain demands. A number of field studies, often commissioned by institutional or municipal actors, do however open up several extremely interesting avenues of inquiry. In a study by Elisabeth Dugué and Barbara Rist entitled Les frontières de la cité: Des jeunes entre pays d’origine et société dite ‘d’accueil’ (2005), 23 this is shown by professionals working on employment and integration initiatives in a social housing project located in the heart of a ZUS (zone urbaine sensible or deprived urban area) in Seine-Saint-Denis: Young people from former colonies that retain strong links with French culture develop a particularly complex relationship between the country of origin and the host country. According to the social workers, they settle into a kind of blur in which they don’t know what side of the Mediterranean they are on. One coordinator of the Mission Générale d’Insertion de l’Éducation Nationale (National Education Integration Project) described this position as follows: “For example, there was this Tunisian kid in the ninth grade ... who was born in France and went back to Tunisia every two years for a month or two ... I asked him if he was going back to the country 23 http://pmb.cereq.fr/doc_num.php?explnum_id=1520 This study was part of the “Rencontres Jeunes & Sociétés en Europe et autour de la Méditerranée” seminar held on October 25, 2005. It was based on a survey conducted in 2001 and 2002 and statistically updated in 2004 in Dans une zone urbaine sensible: Les acteurs de l’Education des jeunes en difficulté. CEE/CNAM research report. 114