International Journal on Criminology Volume 6, Number 1, Spring 2018 | Page 61

International Journal on Criminology organizers and participants by questioning their “morality” and “academic rigor,” using a well-known method. However, if such failings are to be found somewhere, it is rather with the Syrian “offshore revolutionaries” who haunt the national palaces and monuments, as well as their accomplices on social networks with expertise in the field. Our censors certainly have an almost phenomenal nerve and are not known for their tolerance. They aspire to run Syria, but are already censoring and issuing threats. No-one would want to be governed by such revolutionaries, even if given the title of moderates, apart from their sponsors, who struggle to distinguish effusion from explosion. A single symposium (which in any case did not take place) out of the hundreds that have anesthetized and intoxicated French opinion was enough for the “democrats” and their protectors to fly off the handle and lose their heads. “We cannot (it would appear) hand over the keys of the Memorial museum to a symposium suspected of defending Bashar al-Assad, who has been waging a vile war since 2011”—but the decision (of the Memorial museum) to cancel the symposium equates to giving well-known lobbies the power, choice, and ability to lock or open doors. French politics, although it claims to be transparent, is not above suspicion and it does not seem wrong to call it into question. The commitment to destroying a sovereign state with whom no war has been declared, to undermine all chance of a political settlement, to flout all rules of international and UN law, is contrary to the tradition of our country. It is its position as a permanent member of the Security Council that provides France with a great part of its status. Are we not sawing off the branch upon which we sit? Syria has already been partly destroyed and the Syrians feel forgotten, alone with their tragedy, which is even greater because it is hidden in the West and in those Muslim countries that took up the cause of the “revolution” declared by the armed opposition. In Paris, there is a preference for pursuing obsessions that are no longer on the agenda and cherishing nostalgia for contracts that will never be honored. This is neither honorable, nor reasonable. The truth is clear: we need only look to see, listen to testimony to understand, and pay attention to the growing swell of voices contesting the false view that is inflicted upon us under all circumstances. In the country of reason, no reason remains. Here we can rightly speak of “the French exception,” and it is by no means glorious. In the world of diplomacy we are well and truly out of the game and on the bench, along with our “revolutionary” protégés. Many French people dream of the day when a group of bold visionaries will rise, capable of supporting the emergence of a new world equilibrium and of returning their country, the country of the Enlightenment, to the place it has unfortunately lost in the international community. France must rediscover its freedom of choice as quickly as possible and no longer allow its “allies,” who do not wish us well, its “friends” of convenience, or various pressure groups, to decide its destiny. 58