International Journal on Criminology Volume 3, Number 2, Fall 2015 | Page 58

Organized Crime Behind Bars
divisions and a general staff, presided over by the presumed boss of the organization. 158
Each subdivision had a boss, a deputy, captains and assistant captains. The number of
“soldiers” in each of the subdivisions was unlimited.
Also quasi-military in their hierarchical organization are the Prison Gangs
of South Africa, whose members wear imaginary colored “uniforms,” hoist flags and
respectfully salute each other. The fictive uniform is given to the new member at his
induction ceremony: “I give you your uniform. You have a pair of white sandals. Your
socks are also white, with the emblem of 28 embroidered inside and out. You wear
a white shirt and a white belt with a silver buckle. You have a white tunic with two
buttons, with the emblem of 28 embroidered on the inside and out. Your tie is green.
Your jacket is white, also with two buttons, the first open, because you belong to the
gang day and night, the second closed as a sign of discipline. You have a white beret
with a silver badge engraved with a hammer and a handkerchief.” 159
The hierarchy of the 28s is rather complex: officers are called “No. 1,” “judges”
have eight stars, “generals” six, “colonels” four, transmission specialists, also called
“number-one captains” three, “doctors” have six bars—three gold and three silver, etc.
When an “officer” is transferred to another prison, he identifies himself by revealing
his “uniform”—by describing in detail what he is supposed to be wearing. Each grade
has a specific mission, technically defined.
Conversely, the “hard core” of the Mexican Mafia in California has no
known formal hierarchy, 160 reproducing rather the “galactic” structural model of the
Hispanic Gangs of East Los Angeles. Its leaders base their power on brutality, fear
and the “respect” they inspire in the carnales, and the charismatic hold they exert
upon them. 161 Their “status” is based on the crimes they have committed and their
reputation; any “progression” is dependent on the violent acts they have committed.
In most prisons one, sometimes two of the leaders of the Eme, are recognized as such
and revered by all inmates. 162
158
Presumed to be Lo Fo-Chu, a former independent elected legislator, imprisoned in Green
Island when the group was created. The Tien Dao Man claims him as one of theirs, and his name
is quoted extensively in connection with shady dealings by the Taiwanese press. Lo Fu-chu was
arrested in February 2002 after being added to the most-wanted list the previous January. He was
sentenced on September 26, 2003 to four years in prison for corruption, fraud, breach of trust, usury,
misappropriation of funds, forgery and the use of forgeries. Taipei Times, September 26, 2003.
159
Steinberg. Nongoloza's Children, 22
160
In some states, notably in the Texas branch of the organization, it seems that “ranks” have existed
for some time. “Jury convicts Texas Mexican Mafia Sergeant in Racketeering Case.” U.S. Department
of Justice, U.S. Attorney's Office, Southern District of Texas. Press Release, May 23, 2003.
161
In July 2009 the author of this article met “Boxer” Rene Enriquez, a “repentant” member of
the Eme, formerly a high-ranking official within the organization, and author of The Black Hand
(Harper Collins, September 2008). Besides an obvious charisma, he showed evidence of education,
well-constructed verbal discourse and a clear vision of the activity of the Eme, which revealed a
sophisticated and effective system. It was thus possible to gain a genuine understanding of the
influence of these leaders over their subordinates within the organization.
162
This falls into an “elitist” logic, reminiscent of the Russian vory v zakones. See An Exception, Prison
Culture in Russia.
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